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許多學者討論了現代社會之非正規移民;然而,我們對這些移民的主體性知之甚少。世界體系的發展令國家邊界及公民身份政治有所改變,當今世界有超過五千萬非正規移民,理解其生活的志向和追索其現實有一定意義。香港大約有七千名非華裔非正規移民,其中估計75%來自南亞,此研究通過分析香港法外移民的案例,探索非正規移民之理想的建構與達成。儘管香港自從1841年成為英國殖民地後,與這個次大陸關係密切,此現象僅僅追溯到十年前,部分原因來自於後9-11歐美西方的嚴格移民政策之變化。 ; 在香港這個單一民族的社會,貧困的非華裔移民鶴立雞群,收到社會和政治的不公正待遇,為什麼這些移民還要過來?這裡的故事並非人們對非正規移民所想像的人口販賣、恐怖手段和暴力,而是關於移民文化所導致的需要研究出口移民的必要性,以及尋找全球和都市身份的媒體影響,和失足移民假扮成功人士,以掩蓋他們未能實現離家時許下的諾言的羞恥。儘管他們知道被罪化人生的風險和危險,也許還有更重要的未來等待他們的失敗,為什麼南亞人選擇在社會邊緣以非法公民的身份生存,而且繼續複製在海外出人頭地的神話?此研究基於一年的深入訪問和超過三個月的參與觀察,觀察香港非法南亞人的人生軌跡,分析他們如何建構非法的夢想,實現了什麼志願,以及如何延續由始至終以渴望成功打造的幻覺。 ; Many scholars have discussed irregular migration in contemporary societies; however, we know little of the subjectivities of these migrants. With considerable developments in the world system marking changes in the policing of national borders and politics of citizenship, it is of some significance to understand the processes that drive the motivations and trace the realities of over fifty million irregular migrants living in the world today. This research sheds light on the construction and realization of aspirations for irregular migration by examining cases of extralegal migrants in Hong Kong, where estimates suggest that 75 percent of the approximately 7,000 strong irregular non-Chinese migrant population comes from the South Asia. Despite Hong Kong's close connections to the subcontinent since the city's establishment as a British colony in 1841, this particular phenomenon dates back only ten years, stemming partially from strict changes in migration in the post-9/11 Euro-American West. ; In a society that is as ethnically homogenous as Hong Kong where the poorer non-Chinese immigrants clearly stand out and are open to social and political injustice, why do these migrants still come? The stories heard here are not of trafficking, terror and violence as one might expect from cases of irregular migrants, but instead, of cultures of migration creating obligations to engage in out-migration, media influence encouraging the search for global and cosmopolitan ...

The government of the South Kalimantan Province moved the provincial capital from Banjarmasin to Banjarbaru at the end of 2011. However, there has not been a clear decision as to what the government's old building will be used for. One thing is clear, the utilization has to be optimized by considering the local government regulations. The aim of the research is to examine the highest and the best alternatives of utilization that can be adopted for such an asset. Non-probability sampling method was used in the research to find the alternatives. The alternatives were analyzed by using the highest and the best use analysis as the relevance test instrument for each of them. After analyzing the alternatives, the benefit-cost ratio (BCR) analysis was conducted to analyze the alternatives prior to determining their feasibility. Legal analysis, physical analysis, financial analysis, and the maximum productivity analysis were the stages conducted on the research based on highest and best use analysis. Based on the result of the research, the alternative which is feasible to do is that the building is used for other governmental or public purposes. Through the analysis, the alternative meets the criteria of the analysis as mentioned before with NPV Rp. 747,439,143 and BCR 1.024. Furthermore, according to 42.5 percent of the respondents, the building is best used for UPT offices and other institutions.

Yue Yin. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 100-106). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i ; Acknowledgements --- p.iii ; Chapter I. --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter II. --- Literature Review --- p.6 ; The Poor in the Market Transition --- p.6 ; Political Impacts in Collective Era and Beyond --- p.8 ; Cultural Capital´ة Effects on Stratification in Western Countries --- p.13 ; The Analysis on Habitus: Szelenyi's Researches in Eastern Europe --- p.18 ; The Transfer Mechanism of Cultural Capital --- p.22 ; The Poverty Cycle: Lewis's Culture of Poverty --- p.28 ; Chapter III. --- Methodological Design --- p.31 ; Chapter IV. --- Before 1978,the Idol of Collectivism --- p.33 ; Influences from Parents' Generation --- p.36 ; Occlusive Living Circumstance and Personality --- p.40 ; Insensitive to Education --- p.42 ; Satisfaction with the Lives --- p.46 ; Distributed Education Chances and Good Job Positions --- p.49 ; Send Down Recommendation to Colleges --- p.51 ; Big State-Owned Factories and Good Job Positions --- p.57 ; Work In the Factories --- p.60 ; Value Attached to Hard Work --- p.61 ; Lack of Confidence and Impetus --- p.63 ; Ineffectual Intercommunication --- p.66 ; Limited Horizon --- p.70 ; Chapter V. --- After 1978,Under Marketization --- p.75 ; Reformation of Enterprises and Its Effects on My Interviewees --- p.76 ; The Unconsciousness to the Coming of Crisis --- p.77 ; Good Working Ability? --- p.82 ; After Lay-off --- p.85 ; Chapter VI. --- The Next Generation --- p.87 ; Chapter VII. --- Discussion --- p.92 ; Chapter VIII. --- Appendices --- p.98 ; Chapter IX. --- References --- p.100