Suchergebnisse

Premda su u 20. stoljeću i druge države prolazile kroz dramatične društvene i političke promjene, i to od totalitarizma do konsolidirane demokracije, Južnoafrička Republika slučaj je za sebe. Poziciju sui generis najjužnija afrička država dobila je zbog rigorozne rasne segregacije i diskriminacije koju je režim sustavno provodio prema domicilnom stanovništvu.Vrhunac te politike bilo je uvođenje aparthejda 1950. godine, koji je uz kontinuiranu represiju i istodobnu međunarodnu izolaciju potrajao do 1990. i početka demokratske i postsegregacijske tranzicije. Nakon tri ciklusa višerasnih kompetitivnih izbora Južnoafrička Republika danas je država čiju uspješno započetu tranziciju obilježavaju relativno visok stupanj unutarnje stabilnosti i aktivna uloga u međunarodnoj zajednici, ali i potpuno novi izazovi, od side i porasta kriminala do regionalnih suparništava i opasnosti od pojave "obrnutog" rasizma. ; In the 20th century a number of countries went through dramatic social and political changes, passing from totalitarianism to consolidated democracy, but South Africa is in a league of its own. The southernmost African state has acquired a sui generis position due to the fact that its regime sistematically exercised rigorous racial segregation and discrimination against the natives. The peak of that policy was the introduction of apartheid in 1950 which was characterised by sustained repression and simultaneous international isolation. Apartheid came to an end in 1990 with the beginning of democratic and post-segregational transition. After three cycles of multirace competitive elections, South Africa is today a state whose successfully launched transition is marked by a relatively high degree of internal stability and an active role in the international community, but also by completely new challenges, such as AIDS and an increase in crime, regional rivalries and the threat of emergence of an "inverse" racism.

Violent conflict is very old in human society. The development of military technology brought with itself the worst tragedies loss of human live and material devastation in the second half of 20th century in the Horn of Africa. This region is one of the centers of various political violent conflicts in the world, according to length of these violent conflicts, the number of death of people, mainly civilian, refugees and internal displaced persons (IDP). This study elucidates the root causes of long wars in the Horn of Africa focusing mainly on South Sudan and Somalia. It also illustrates how the Super Powers during the Cold War helped their client states to prolong the suffering of people in the region. When Socialist system disappeared from Eastern Europe, Mengistu Haile Mariam's and Siyad Barre's regime ignominiously collapsed. In Ethiopia Amhara power elite, who ruled the Empire state from 1889 to 1991 lost their state power and Tigrian guerrilla fighters captured it through the power of the gun, Eritrea gained its independence from Ethiopia, South Sudan is emerging from long heinous war to independence. The violent conflict in Somalia transformed after the old regime demise in 1991 and the new leaders unable to build new central government. Somalia is fragmented and became the good example of failed state in the theory of contemporary political sociology. The paper tries to explain these complex violent conflicts in this part of Africa.

Enormna opterećenost bolestima, lošim ishodima učenja u visokom obrazovanju u Južnoj Africi i njihova interakcija u smislu utjecaja na produktivnost ljudskih resursa iziskuju istraživanja za konkretne smjernice u okviru politike. U tom smislu, svrha ovog rada je istražiti ovaj odnos, zajedno s drugim čimbenicima, promatrajući ljudske resurse iz perspektive zdravlja, upisa u visoko obrazovanje (HEE) i diplomiranih studenata visokog obrazovanja (HEG). U istraživanju se primjenjuje model vremenskih serija s autoregresijskim distribuiranim pomacima (ARDL) s podacima koji obuhvaćaju razdoblje od 1980. do 2015. godine. Studija je pokazala da, dok BDP raste, stope zaposlenosti i HEE imaju pozitivan učinak na produktivnost u Južnoj Africi; kapital i životni vijek su inverzni u odnosu na produktivnost. Naime, rezultati ovog istraživanja potvrđuju hipotezu da bez odgovarajućeg školskog sektora usmjerenog na potrebne vještine, široko rasprostranjena antiretroviralna terapija u prevenciji HIV-a stanovništva, a s tim i njihovo preživljavanje, negativno utječe na produktivnost. Nadalje, rezultati potvrđuju da uključivanje u obrazovanje djeluje pozitivno na produktivnost, jer obuhvaća pojedince koji su djelomično vješti u programima potrebnim gospodarstvu. Naposljetku, potvrđena je i hipoteza da su ishodi učenja diplomskih studija negativni u odnosu na produktivnost zbog neusklađenosti vještina diplomanata i potreba gospodarstva. Stoga se predlaže da se u okviru politike za povećanje produktivnosti u Južnoj Africi, poduzmu zajednički napori u školskom i zdravstvenom sektoru. ; The huge burden of diseases, poor higher educational outcomes in South Africa and their interaction on affecting productivity of human capital requires investigation for a context –specific policy advice. To this effect, the purpose of this paper is to investigate this relationship, alongside other factors, viewing human capital from the perspective of health, higher education enrolment (HEE) and higher education graduates (HEG). The study adopts time series autoregressive distributive lag (ARDL) with data covering the period 1980 - 2015. The study has found that, while GDP grows, employment rates and HEE have a positive impact on productivity in South Africa; capital stock and life expectancy exhibited an inverse relationship with productivity. These findings support the hypothesis that widespread antiretroviral therapy and resulting survival, without corresponding school sector focus on needed skills, relate negatively to productivity. The findings further support that enrolments affect positively productivity because they comprise individuals who are partly skilled in programs needed by the economy. Finally, they support the hypothesis that graduate outputs relate negatively to productivity because of mismatch of graduation skills and the economy's need. As a policy suggestion, combined effort at school and health sector is needed in South Africa for increased productivity.

This text deals with the development assistance of the Republic of South Africa after the fall of the apartheid era. The article is framed by the theory of South-South cooperation, which was established in the 1950's and has risen since the beginning of the 1990's. The paper consists of two parts. The first one is focused on the theory of South-South cooperation with an emphasis on development cooperation. Five particular features which distinguish the South-South cooperation from the 'Western approach' are mentioned in this part. The second part tries to apply the mentioned features to the development cooperation of the Republic of South Africa. In the last section we briefly summarize some new information about the South-South cooperation. To put it briefly, we can say that the development cooperation of the Republic of South Africa is characterized by many particular features. Adapted from the source document.

Pedeset godina nakon stjecanja neovisnosti države Afrike su i dalje u lošijoj ekonomskoj situaciji nego ostatak svijeta. Cilj ovog rada je analizom dostupnih znanstvenih radova i literature ocijeniti predstavljaju li državne granice prepreku ekonomskom razvoju Afrike. Granice koje su ucrtavali kolonijalni vladari uzrok su brojnim ratnim sukobima. Brojni narodi u Africi su dolaskom kolonizatora izgubili svoje države i kraljevstva. Važan segment kulturnog identiteta nekog naroda je granica. Granice su podijelile narode između dviju ili više država te im znatno otežale položaj u novostvorenim državama. Afričko rudno bogatstvo predstavlja problem u pograničnim područjima, gdje je nerijetko dolazilo do ratnih sukoba. Međunarodni sud pravde je u zadnjih pedeset godina riješio brojne granične sporove, no brojni su ostali neriješeni. Na prostoru Afrike djeluje mnogo međunarodnih i regionalnih ekonomskih organizacija koje pokušavaju potaknuti ekonomski rast i razvoj Afrike. Sadržaj diplomskog rada dobra je podloga nastavnicima geografije za pripremu i izvedbu nastavnih sati za realizaciju ishoda u četvrtom razredu gimnazije o državnim granicama. ; Fifty years after independence, African countries are still in a worse economic situation than the rest of the world. The aim of this paper is to analyze the available scientific papers and literature to assess whether state borders are an obstacle to the economic development of Africa. The borders drawn by the colonial rulers are the cause of numerous war conflicts. Numerous peoples in Africa lost their states and kingdoms with the arrival of the colonizers. An important segment of a nation's cultural identity is the border. Borders divided peoples between two or more states and made their position in the newly created states much more difficult. African mineral wealth is a problem in border areas, where war conflicts have often occurred. The International Court of Justice has resolved several border disputes in the last fifty years, but unfortunately there are still many ...

This paper is focused on the sub-regional level of integration in the region of Southern Africa. It aims to sketch the formation and operation of the most important development corridors (DC), spatial development initiatives (SDI) and industrial development zones (IDZ). From a theoretical point of view, this article is based on the concept of the new regionalism approach (NRA), especially with its emphasis on non-state actors (such as civic society, private enterprises, and financial corporations) in the process of integration. The hypothesis of the text is the following: sub-regional integration is currently the most dynamically developing form of integration. Judging by the way it exists and works, it has the best potential to contribute to African economic development. The paper summarizes the most important cases of sub-regional integration projects, describes their specificities and main characteristics, and points out some weak and strong features of this kind of integration. Adapted from the source document.

Nakon raspada SSSR-a 1991.godine, zemlje Južnog Kavkaza našle su se pred novim izazovom: stvaranjem neovisne države sa svim svojim institucijama. Bez, ili s vrlo malo prethodnog demokratskog iskustva, sve su se tri južnokavkaske države suočile s tranzicijom koja se ne može nazvati demokratskom. U ovom radu problematizira se institucija predsjednika države koja je igrala iznenađujuće veliku ulogu u stvaranju političkog režima i institucija kakve danas postoje u Azerbajdžanu, Gruziji i Armeniji. S obzirom da je politička povijest ovih zemalja vrlo slična, zanimljivo je promatrati kako su, i zbog kojih razloga, izgradile svoje političke režime. Nalazeći se na poprištu različitih političkih utjecaja i s azijske i s europske strane, ove države usvojile su ponešto iz oba svijeta: demokratske elemente sa zapada i autokratske elemente s istoka. Iako je prošlo skoro 30 godina od osamostaljenja, uloga predsjednika države u kreiranju državne politike snažnija je nego u mnogim europskim zemljama koje su prošle demokratsku tranziciju. ; After the dissolution of USSR in the 1991, countries of South Caucasus face new challenges: making of independent state with all of its institutions. Without, or with very little previous democratic experience, all three of Soutcaucasian countries faced a transition that cannot be called democratic. This thesis delas with the institution of state's president who played an amazingly important role in creating political regimes and institutions that exist in Azerbaijan, Georgia and Armenia today. Given that the political history of these countries is very similar, it is interesting to observe how, and for what reason, these countries built their political regimes. Faced with variety of political influences from both Asian and European sides, these countries have adopted somewhat of both worlds: democratic elements from the West and autocratic elements from the East. Although nearly 30 years have passed since their independence, the role of the state's president in creation of state policies is ...

Na osnovu analize izvornih arhivskih dokumenata i propisa objavljenih u službenim listovima, opisuje se djelokrug, ustroj i sastav Prezidijuma Sabora NRH. Njegovi temelji postavljeni su u radu Zemaljskog antifašističkog vijeća narodnog oslobođenja Hrvatske (ZAVNOH), odnosno njegova Predsjedništva, koje je kao uže tijelo plenuma osnovano 9. svibnja 1944. godine. Na Četvrtom zasjedanju održanom 24. i 25. srpnja 1945. u Zagrebu, ZAVNOH je promijenio naziv u Narodni sabor Hrvatske, a njegovo Predsjedništvo od tada djeluje kao Predsjedništvo Narodnog sabora Hrvatske. U razdoblju 1945.–1953. njegovo djelovanje može se podijeliti u četiri mandatna razdoblja: Predsjedništvo Narodnog sabora Hrvatske/Prezidijum Sabora NRH (25. srpnja 1945.–30. studenoga 1946.), Prezidijum Ustavotvornog sabora NRH (30. studenoga 1946.–20. siječnja 1947.), Prezidijum Sabora NRH prvoga saziva (20. siječnja 1947.–4. prosinca 1950.) i Prezidijum Sabora NRH drugoga saziva (4. prosinca 1950.–6. veljače 1953.). U prvom dijelu rada opisuje se osnivanje i prestanak rada Prezidijuma Sabora, u drugom njegov djelokrug, a u trećem ustroj i sastav po mandatnim razdobljima. Njegov ustroj i djelokrug uspoređeni su s ustrojem i djelokrugom Prezidijuma Narodne skupštine FNRJ i prezidijuma drugih jugoslavenskih republika. Rezultati istraživanja prezentirani su kombinacijom tematskog i kronološkog pristupa, a dijelom su sistematizirani u obliku tabelarnih prikaza. ; This paper describes the scope, structure and the composition of the Presidium of Parliament of the People's Republic of Croatia (PRC) which was active as a political governmental body in Croatia from 1945 to 1953. According to the Yugoslav constitutional system of government, the same political body existed on the federal level as the Presidium of the People's Assembly of the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia (FPRY), as well as in every republic-member of the Yugoslav federation and the scope, organization and composition of the Presidium of Parliament are compared with the scope, organization and composition of those bodies. The foundations of the activities of the Presidium of Parliament, as well as other central governmental institutions in Croatia (namely, Parliament, Government, and Supreme Court) were laid in the work of the State Anti-Fascist Council for the National Liberation of Croatia (ZAVNOH) i.e. its Presidency, since until the end of the war they together performed the legislative, executive and judiciary government. During the 4th session that took place in Zagreb from 24 to 25 July 1945 ZAVNOH changed is title to the People's Parliament of Croatia and since then its Presidency worked as the Presidency of the People's Parliament of Croatia. In the period from 1945 to 1953 its activity can be divided into four mandate periods: the Presidency of the People's Parliament of Croatia/the Presidium of the Parliament of the PRC (25 July 1945–30 November 1946), the Presidium of the Constituent Parliament of the PRC (30 November 1946–20 January 1947), the Presidium of the 1st Session of the Parliament of the PRC (20 January 1947–4 December 1950) and the Presidium of the 2nd Session of the Parliament of the PRC (4 December 1950–6 February 1953). Its existence in the system of governmental power is the result of taking over the Soviet constitutional solutions about organizing the state and governmental institutions in the 1946 constitution of the FPRY and through it also in the constitutions of each federal unit. It was the main legislative body in the period until the constituting of the Constituent Parliament of the PRC, since the Parliament of the PRC only had a single short five-day session in late August 1946. This is confirmed by the information about 29 laws passed by the Presidium of Parliament in the period from 8 September 1945 to 20 November 1946. Besides legislative, it also performed other functions from the jurisdiction then belonging to the Parliament. The constitution of the PRC from 1946 bestowed upon it performing tasks that are usually given to the president of the state (representing in the country the people's and state sovereignty of the PRC, calling the general elections, granting pardons, awarding medals and recognitions), as well as other executive tasks partly closely linked to the legislative activities. The special function pertained to supervising the people's committees. The important difference in the scope in relation to the Presidium of the People's Assembly of the FPRY was that it did not have the authority in the area of foreign affairs. Even though the constitution of the PRC from January 1947 lists it together with the Parliament in the chapter on the highest bodies of the governmental power in Croatia, the sources and constitutional-legal texts of the time, in accordance with the principle of unity of power, define it as a body which "stems from the Parliament" and is subordinated to it. Also, despite being formally constitutionally defined as one of the highest bodies of governmental power in Croatia, in reality it was the Party's transmission, since the actual power and monopoly in decisionmaking was in the hands of the bodies of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia/the League of Communists of Yugoslavia i.e. the Communist Party of Croatia/the League of Communists of Croatia. It was a collegiate body comprised of members of the Parliament. The decision of its composition was formally passed by the Parliament, but based on the conclusions reached during sessions of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Croatia. It was elected for the same term as the Parliament, but it continued to perform its duties after the dissolution of the Parliament, until the election of the new Presidium of Parliament. From 1945 to 1953 the total of 45 MPs were included in its activities. 13 of them were members during all four mandate terms, 11 during two and 14 during only one. The structure and the way of work were determined by the Rulebook dated from 7 August 1947. They were the exact copy of the structure and the way of work of the Presidium of the People's Assembly of the FPRY, with differences deriving from different jurisdictions (federal, republic) of these two bodies.

The origin of the apartheid regime was based on the Calvinist idea of Afrikaners being "the nation privileged by God." This idea had resulted in sharp discrimination of the African population since the 1850's. This political process was even more strengthened during the Nationalist Party (NP) period of government after the 1948 elections. Afrikaner nationalism reached its peak in May 1961 with the unilateral declaration of an independent South African Republic. But the apartheid regime entered into a period of deep crisis at the end of the 70's, and the fragile status quo started to become untenable. The new Prime Minister PW Botha initiated a reform process, which was refused by conservative members. They withdrew from the NP and formed the Conservative Party (CP). Its strongly nationalistic rhetoric was caused by the increasing activity of black organizations, and was reflected in the results of the 1987 elections when it became the strongest opposition party with 30% of the votes. Nevertheless, the reform process continued. The new president FW de Klerk legalized the black organizations, released political prisoners, and arranged the national referendum in which white voters decided to end the apartheid regime. Together with the consecutive loss of influential positions in the army and the death of the CP's leader, it substantially weakened the position of the Afrikaner conservative right wing. Finally, one section of the right wing decided to terminate the boycott of negotiations and to participate in the forthcoming elections. The only Afrikaner party was called the Freedom Front (FF), but it gained only 2% of the votes. The peaceful course during and after the elections weakened the conservatives even further. In the elections of 1999 and 2004, the FF didn't exceed even 1% of votes and is now a marginalized political party. Some militarized illegal organizations still exist in South Africa, but the government has been successful in eliminating these groups. Afrikaner nationalism still exists, but due to the evolution of the political situation it is diminishing. Adapted from the source document.

Autor opisuje slučajne nalaze tijekom nekoliko godina koji su pronađeni na zadarskim južnim plažama nakon nevremena u doba oseke. Ovo nisu jedini takvi nalazi jer postoje mnogi podatci o sličnim nalazima koje šetači nalaze na sličan način. Uz nalaze iz predmonetarnog doba, pronalaze se novci, keramika, militarija, pečati. Treba naglasiti da svi nalazi koji su pronađeni i koji će se pronaći obuhvaćaju sva povijesna razdoblja. Ne može se definirati gdje će i kad će more nešto izbaciti jer stalne izmjene plime i oseke te nevremena sav postojeći materijal premještaju uzduž obale u duljini od dva kilometra. Taj se materijal pronađe uvijek slučajno kao i materijal iz mazinske ostave koji se na površini pojavio nakon obilnih kiša. Ponovno treba naglasiti da ovdje opisani nalazi ne pripadaju nekoj ostavi. To su sporadični nalazi. Navedene plaže upravo su po tome karakteristične pa ti nalazi in situ ne pripadaju tome mjestu. ; The author describes random finds on the southern beaches of Zadar, discovered during a period of several years at low tide, after storms. These are not the only such finds; there is a lot of data about similar finds that people came across in a similar way as they walked along the beach. In addition to finds dating from pre-monetary times, there have also been finds of coins, ceramics, militaria and seals. It should be noted that all the finds, including those that are yet to come, cover all historical periods. It is not possible to know where and when the sea will throw anything out because the constant changes of the tides and storms mix up all the existing material along the two-kilometer-long shoreline. This material is always found by chance, as is also material from the Mazin hoard, which appears after heavy rainfall. The finds described here do not belong to any hoard but are sporadic. This is a characteristic of the beaches in question and these finds in situ are not connected to the site itself.

Cilj ovog diplomskog rada je dati pregled dinamike afričko-europskih migrantskih ruta u zadnjem desetljeću te na osnovi dostupnih statističkih podataka analizirati postojeće i buduće trendove na promatranim migrantskim rutama. Pritom su korištene metode deskripcije, kompilacije, komparacije, analize i sinteze, indukcije i dedukcije te kvantitativne metode u sklopu obrade statističkih podataka. Neki od iskorištenih sekundarnih izvora podataka su baze podataka Eurostata, International Organization for Migration (IOM) i The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). Unatoč uvjerenju kako su afričke migracije stihijske u naravi i izvanredne u odnosu na one u ostatku svijeta, moderan teorijski okvir nudi kvalitetniju sliku motivacija afričkog stanovništva na migraciju te identifikaciju relevantih push i pull faktora. Većina afričkih migracija, posebno onih usmjerenih prema Europi, motivirana je željom za obrazovanjem, obiteljskim i poslovnim motivima, a ne oružanim sukobima ili nestašicama hrane ili pitke vode. Naime, push faktori, bilo oni socio-političke, ekonomske ili ekološke naravi ne mogu biti glavni argument u objašnjenju afričko-europskih migracija. Konstantan pritisak na povećanje direktnih stranih investicija u zemlje afričkog kontinenta je, u najmanju ruku, nedostatni alat za usporavanje migracija te je, s obzirom na puno veći pozitivni učinak radničkih doznaka emigrantskog afričkog stanovništva, krivo identificirani indikator i alat u makroekonomskim težnjama za razvojem zemalja afričkog kontinenta. Europska javnost se ne osjeća ugodno sa sve većim brojem stranih imigranata, što stvara pritisak na kreatore politika te institucije EU da razmišljaju dugoročno i kreiraju robusni sustav koji će se moći nositi sa sadašnjim i budućim pritiscima na vanjske granice EU. ; The aim of this thesis is to give an overview of the dynamics of African-European migrant routes in the last decade, and on the basis of available statistics to analyze existing and future trends in the observed migrant ...

Environmental change (including climate change) affects natural and socio-economic systems as well as migration patterns. Migration is a part of the cultural habits of various societies and serves as a survival or personal development strategy. If we focus on the relationship between migration and climate change (in terms of changes of temperatures, changes of precipitation patterns, extreme weather events occurrence, etc.), migration could be perceived as a short-term coping strategy or a long-term adaptation strategy. The main aim of the paper is to deal with the relationship between climate change and the migration strategies of various peoples who immigrate as a reaction to changes in their living conditions. Two case studies from South Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa demonstrate two different approaches of local communities to tackling the impacts of climate change. The empirical qualitative field research showed that the communities from South Asia perceived climate change as one of the significant factors encouraging migration, while in Sub-Saharan Africa migration on such a substantial scale in relation to climate change did not take place. Adapted from the source document.

Postoji značajan nedostatak podataka o biološkim parametrima morune Huso huso, najveće ribe u Kaspijskom moru. Ovim istraživanjem određivala se dob i indeksi rasta morune u svrhu procjene stanja njenog fonda u južnom Kaspijskom bazenu Irana od 1990. do 2011. Duljina vilice kretala se u rasponu između 113-420 cm, a masa od 8,0 do 725,0 kg. Parametri rasta bili su L∞ = 440 cm, K = 0,027 godina−1, t0 = - 5,8 godina. Dob pri prvom ulovu (tc) bila je 13,1 godina. Podaci o dugoročnoj strukturi dobi morune ukazali su na dob do 63 godine, a jedinke u dobi od 12-19 godina sačinjavale su 76,7% ukupnog ulova. Dužina generacije bila je 33 godine. Vrijednosti KF indeksa bile su blizu 1 ili > 1, što ukazuje da je moruna u povoljnom kondicijskom stanju u južnom Kaspijskom moru. Raspodjela vrijednosti dužine morune ukazala je kako 24,2% ulova čine juvenilni primjerci. Natemelju dobne strukture i dobi pri spolnom sazrijevanju, novačenje i prekomjerni ribolov utjecali su na zalihe morune. Ovim se, u budućim ribarstvenim politikama, preporuća povećati dužinu ili starost morune pri ribolovu. Mega-mrijesni primjerci morune su predstavljali 4,4% ulovljene ribe, što ukazuje na neujednačenu strukturu populacije. ; There is a significant lack of data for the biological parameters of beluga or great sturgeon, the largest fish in the Caspian Sea. The age, growth and fisheries indices for the stock status of beluga was investigated in the south Caspian Basin of Iran between 1990 and 2011. Fork lengths ranged between 113-420 cm and weights from 8.0 to 725.0 kg. The growth parameters were L∞ = 440 cm, K = 0.027 year−1, t = − 5.8 years. The age at first capture0(tc) was 13.1 years. The long-term age composition data showed age up to 63 years, and the ages 12-19 years comprised 76.7% of the total catch. The generation length was 33 years. The values of "KF" were close to 1 or >1, indicating that beluga sturgeon is in a favorable condition in the southern Caspian Sea. The length distribution showed that 24.2% of the catch is comprised of juveniles. Based on the age structure and age at first maturity, recruitment and growth overfishing occurred in beluga stocks. Therefore, increased length or age at first capture in future fishery policies should be implemented. The mega-spawners represented 4.4% of the fish captured and revealed an unhealthy population structure.