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Violent conflict is very old in human society. The development of military technology brought with itself the worst tragedies loss of human live and material devastation in the second half of 20th century in the Horn of Africa. This region is one of the centers of various political violent conflicts in the world, according to length of these violent conflicts, the number of death of people, mainly civilian, refugees and internal displaced persons (IDP). This study elucidates the root causes of long wars in the Horn of Africa focusing mainly on South Sudan and Somalia. It also illustrates how the Super Powers during the Cold War helped their client states to prolong the suffering of people in the region. When Socialist system disappeared from Eastern Europe, Mengistu Haile Mariam's and Siyad Barre's regime ignominiously collapsed. In Ethiopia Amhara power elite, who ruled the Empire state from 1889 to 1991 lost their state power and Tigrian guerrilla fighters captured it through the power of the gun, Eritrea gained its independence from Ethiopia, South Sudan is emerging from long heinous war to independence. The violent conflict in Somalia transformed after the old regime demise in 1991 and the new leaders unable to build new central government. Somalia is fragmented and became the good example of failed state in the theory of contemporary political sociology. The paper tries to explain these complex violent conflicts in this part of Africa.

This text deals with the development assistance of the Republic of South Africa after the fall of the apartheid era. The article is framed by the theory of South-South cooperation, which was established in the 1950's and has risen since the beginning of the 1990's. The paper consists of two parts. The first one is focused on the theory of South-South cooperation with an emphasis on development cooperation. Five particular features which distinguish the South-South cooperation from the 'Western approach' are mentioned in this part. The second part tries to apply the mentioned features to the development cooperation of the Republic of South Africa. In the last section we briefly summarize some new information about the South-South cooperation. To put it briefly, we can say that the development cooperation of the Republic of South Africa is characterized by many particular features. Adapted from the source document.

The government of the South Kalimantan Province moved the provincial capital from Banjarmasin to Banjarbaru at the end of 2011. However, there has not been a clear decision as to what the government's old building will be used for. One thing is clear, the utilization has to be optimized by considering the local government regulations. The aim of the research is to examine the highest and the best alternatives of utilization that can be adopted for such an asset. Non-probability sampling method was used in the research to find the alternatives. The alternatives were analyzed by using the highest and the best use analysis as the relevance test instrument for each of them. After analyzing the alternatives, the benefit-cost ratio (BCR) analysis was conducted to analyze the alternatives prior to determining their feasibility. Legal analysis, physical analysis, financial analysis, and the maximum productivity analysis were the stages conducted on the research based on highest and best use analysis. Based on the result of the research, the alternative which is feasible to do is that the building is used for other governmental or public purposes. Through the analysis, the alternative meets the criteria of the analysis as mentioned before with NPV Rp. 747,439,143 and BCR 1.024. Furthermore, according to 42.5 percent of the respondents, the building is best used for UPT offices and other institutions.

This paper is focused on the sub-regional level of integration in the region of Southern Africa. It aims to sketch the formation and operation of the most important development corridors (DC), spatial development initiatives (SDI) and industrial development zones (IDZ). From a theoretical point of view, this article is based on the concept of the new regionalism approach (NRA), especially with its emphasis on non-state actors (such as civic society, private enterprises, and financial corporations) in the process of integration. The hypothesis of the text is the following: sub-regional integration is currently the most dynamically developing form of integration. Judging by the way it exists and works, it has the best potential to contribute to African economic development. The paper summarizes the most important cases of sub-regional integration projects, describes their specificities and main characteristics, and points out some weak and strong features of this kind of integration. Adapted from the source document.

The origin of the apartheid regime was based on the Calvinist idea of Afrikaners being "the nation privileged by God." This idea had resulted in sharp discrimination of the African population since the 1850's. This political process was even more strengthened during the Nationalist Party (NP) period of government after the 1948 elections. Afrikaner nationalism reached its peak in May 1961 with the unilateral declaration of an independent South African Republic. But the apartheid regime entered into a period of deep crisis at the end of the 70's, and the fragile status quo started to become untenable. The new Prime Minister PW Botha initiated a reform process, which was refused by conservative members. They withdrew from the NP and formed the Conservative Party (CP). Its strongly nationalistic rhetoric was caused by the increasing activity of black organizations, and was reflected in the results of the 1987 elections when it became the strongest opposition party with 30% of the votes. Nevertheless, the reform process continued. The new president FW de Klerk legalized the black organizations, released political prisoners, and arranged the national referendum in which white voters decided to end the apartheid regime. Together with the consecutive loss of influential positions in the army and the death of the CP's leader, it substantially weakened the position of the Afrikaner conservative right wing. Finally, one section of the right wing decided to terminate the boycott of negotiations and to participate in the forthcoming elections. The only Afrikaner party was called the Freedom Front (FF), but it gained only 2% of the votes. The peaceful course during and after the elections weakened the conservatives even further. In the elections of 1999 and 2004, the FF didn't exceed even 1% of votes and is now a marginalized political party. Some militarized illegal organizations still exist in South Africa, but the government has been successful in eliminating these groups. Afrikaner nationalism still exists, but due to the evolution of the political situation it is diminishing. Adapted from the source document.

Researcher conducted a study with the aim to determine the quality of items in terms of analysis: 1) the validity of the content and empirical, 2) reliability, 3) level of difficulty, 4) distinguishing features, and 5) the function of detractors. This research is a descriptive study. The sample was a set of second semester final exam subjects biology grade XI IPA SMAof the school year 2015/2016 in the south region district solok. Quantitative analysis was performed by using Anates, while for the qualitative analysis carried out by the study table. Based on the results of data analysis, the result for the review of aspects: 1) the validity of the content, about 7.5% did not meet the material aspect, 40% of questions that do not meet aspects of construction, and 77.5% did not meet aspects of language problems, and validity empirically, 52.5% are invalid matter, 2) reliability, the test has a value of 0.67 belong to the category enough, 3) the level of difficulty, 5% classified as very easy matter, 22.5% easy, 40% about the medium, 17 , 5% about the difficult, and 15% about the very difficult, 4) different power, 15% of matter which is classified as very bad, 15% about the relatively ugly, 30% about enough, and 40% items good, 5) function options, for options that are not qualified humbug is 75% and the quality is 25%. It can be concluded that the end of the semester exam subjects biology grade XI of the school year 2015/2016 in the south region district solok not meet both criteria.

Environmental change (including climate change) affects natural and socio-economic systems as well as migration patterns. Migration is a part of the cultural habits of various societies and serves as a survival or personal development strategy. If we focus on the relationship between migration and climate change (in terms of changes of temperatures, changes of precipitation patterns, extreme weather events occurrence, etc.), migration could be perceived as a short-term coping strategy or a long-term adaptation strategy. The main aim of the paper is to deal with the relationship between climate change and the migration strategies of various peoples who immigrate as a reaction to changes in their living conditions. Two case studies from South Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa demonstrate two different approaches of local communities to tackling the impacts of climate change. The empirical qualitative field research showed that the communities from South Asia perceived climate change as one of the significant factors encouraging migration, while in Sub-Saharan Africa migration on such a substantial scale in relation to climate change did not take place. Adapted from the source document.

This study deals with the issue of development relations between China and Africa in the context of the Beijing concensus. It attempts to provide an analysis of Chinese foreign policy since the beginning of the 90's. The text is divided into three basic parts. The first contains discussion on the theories of development, including the main features of the (post)Washington concensus based on liberalism, decentralization and privatization, followed by the Beijing concensus representing the counter-paradigm. The second focuses on the historical roots of bilateral relations since the beginning of the 20th century until the end of the Cold War. TAZARA, the Tanzania-Zambia railway built by China is chosen as the most representative example of Chinese foreign policy during the Cold War period. The last part deals with current relations influenced by Chinese oil diplomacy and the so-called one-China policy. Sudan and Angola are chosen as significant examples of African states in which China is involved. Adapted from the source document.

The theoretical concept of second-order elections has become a useful tool to analyze sub-national and/or supranational elections. This paper tries to apply the concept to the regional elections in the Czech Republic and to challenge the concept by analysis of the personalization of the vote in the regional elections to the assembly of South Moravia in the year 2008. Working with the electoral results (especially with preferential voting), the authors argue that the decisions and preferences of voters were influenced not only by the situation in the main political arena (e.g. by the governing or opposition role of political parties) but also by the composition of party lists, in terms of candidates' connections locally.

The Covid-19 pandemic has disrupted elections in various countries, decreased voter participation, and increased the potential for virus transmission that threatens public health—one of the countries holding elections during the Covid-19 pandemic in South Korea. In contrast to most other election organizing countries during the pandemic, the South Korean Legislative Election in 2020 became a legislative election with the highest turnout of voters reaching 66.2 percent. The election was won by the Democratic People's Party of Korea as the party that carries President Moon Jae-in. This study discusses the effect of the four-pronged strategy used by President Moon Jae-in in tackling Covid-19 on the victory of the Democratic People's Party of Korea. This study will also discuss the high civic duty of the South Korean community, which affects the high turnout of voters, regardless of elections held during a crisis. This study finds that despite the poor assessment of economic policies, foreign relations, and political scandals in the administration of President Moon Jae-in, crises are considered to have higher urgency and become the main indicator of a society in conducting retrospective assessments. This is supported by the public's views, who view the Covid-19 pandemic as a national crisis, and participating in elections is considered a form of nation-saving duty. The high voter turnout and the effectiveness of the four-pronged strategy affected the victory of the Democratic People's Party of Korea in the 2020 South Korean Legislative Elections. ; Pandemi Covid-19 mendisrupsi jalannya pemilu di berbagai negara dan berpengaruh pada penurunan partisipasi pemilih dan meningkatkan potensi transmisi virus yang mengancam kesehatan masyarakat. Salah satu negara yang menyelenggarakan pemilu di tengah pandemi Covid-19 adalah Korea Selatan. Berbeda dengan mayoritas negara penyelenggara pemilu lainnya di saat pandemi, Pemilu Legislatif Korea Selatan tahun 2020 menjadi pemilu legislatif dengan perolehan turnout voters tertinggi mencapai 66,2 persen. Pemilu tersebut dimenangkan oleh Democratic People's Party of Korea selaku partai pengusung Presiden Moon Jae-in. Penelitian ini membahas pengaruh dari four-pronged strategy yang digunakan oleh Presiden Moon Jae-in dalam menanggulangi Covid-19 terhadap kemenangan Democratic People's Party of Korea. Tidak hanya menggunakan penilaian retrospective, penelitian ini juga akan membahas tingginya civic duty masyarakat Korea Selatan yang mempengaruhi tingginya perolehan turnout voters, terlepas dari pemilu yang diadakan di tengah situasi krisis. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa terlepas dari buruknya penilaian kebijakan ekonomi, hubungan luar negeri, dan skandal politik pada pemerintahan Presiden Moon Jae-in, situasi krisis dinilai memiliki urgensi yang lebih tinggi dan menjadi indikator utama masyarakat dalam melakukan penilaian retrospective. Hal tersebut didukung dengan pandangan masyarakat yang menilai Pandemi Covid-19 sebagai krisis nasional, dan berpartisipasi dalam pemilu dianggap sebagai bentuk nation-saving duty. Tingginya partisipasi pemilih dan efektivitas four-pronged strategy mempengaruhi kemenangan Democratic People's Party of Korea pada Pemilu Legislatif Korea Selatan tahun 2020.

The article compares the foreign energy strategies of the EU and the PRC on the African continent within the context of the efforts of ensuring the diversifiction of the supply of fossil fuels. Both actors are connecting some sets of values to their strategies, and these values are integral to their perception of the international environment. The main purpose of the article is to compare these strategies, especially in the context of the values that are connected with them -- e.g. state sovereignty, human rights, and social responsibility -- and the impact of these values on the form of the energetic strategies. While the EU urges normative values such as democratic government, human rights and quality public domain management, the PRC adheres to the values of non-interference, state sovereignty and, last but not least, the principle of "One China". Despite the fact that, rhetorically, the two actors share some of the same principles, they are applied differently by each actor due to the actors' diametrically different understandings of these principles. In addition to that, it is necessary to lay emphasis on the difference between the official and the actual strategies of both actors. Adapted from the source document.

With the outbreak of famine in the mid-1990s, the DPRK has become a recipient of humanitarian assistance. Immediately after the inception of aid flows, an extensive diversification of donors arose. The most important donor duo was the Republic of Korea and the USA. Japan, Russia, and the European Union all had important roles in the matter, and Switzerland had a very specific role in it. Meanwhile, the Chinese assistance obtained an entirely unique position. There was a temporary suspension of China's assistance in the mid-1990s, but then it started again, and today, China is the DPRK's patron. The aim of this article is to provide a comparison of the donors' strategies and to outline the main trends of the assistance to the DPRK in the framework of the period of 1995-2012. The strategies of donorship have divergent tendencies, and in most of the cases, the donors preferred to make a strong effort to reach their political goals in the DPRK while providing humanitarian aid to it. Adapted from the source document.