Suchergebnisse

Slavery, sex, and dehumanization / David Brion Davis -- Sexuality and slavery in the Western Sudan / Martin A. Klein -- Sex and power in the Russian institutions of slavery and serfdom / Richard Hellie -- Concubinage, law, and the family Suria: concubine or secondary slave wife? The case of Zanzibar in the nineteenth century / Abdul Sheriff -- A sexual order in the making: wives and slaves in early imperial China / Griet Vankeerberghen -- "To marry one's slave is as easy as eating a meal": the dynamics of carnal relations within Saharan slavery / E. Ann McDougall -- Slavery, family life, and the African diaspora in the Arabian Gulf, 1880-1940 / Matthew S. Hopper -- "I ask for divorce because my husband does not let me go back to my country of origin with my brother": gender, family, and the end of slavery in the region of Kayes, French Sudan, 1890-1920 / Marie Rodet -- The fatal sorbet: an account of slavery, jealousy, pregnancy, and murder in a harem in Alexandria, Egypt, ca. 1850 / George Michael La Rue -- Intimate power: sexuality and slavery in the households of the Atlantic world sexual relations between the enslaved and between slaves and nonslaves in nineteenth-century Cuba / Ulrike Schmieder -- "This complicated incest": children, sexuality, and sexual abuse during slavery and the apprenticeship period in the British Caribbean, 1790-1838 / Tara A. Inniss -- Strategies for social mobility: liaisons between foreign men and slave women in Benguela, ca. 1770-1850 / Mariana P. Candido -- Sex trafficking and prostitution: Japanese brothel prostitution, daily life, and the client: colonial Singapore, 1870-1940 / James Francis Warren -- Body-price: ambiguities in the sale of women at the end of the Qing Dynasty / Johanne Ransmeir -- Sex slavery and human trafficking in Nigeria; an overview / Roseline Uyanga with Marie-Luise Ermisch -- The realities and rise of female sex trafficking in Thailand and Cambodia in the latter half of the twentieth century and into the twenty-first century / Francesca Ann Louise Mitchell -- The Japanese army and comfort women in World War II / Shigeru Sato -- Art, sexuality, and slavery: hidden geographies of the Cape: shifting representations of slavery and sexuality in South African art and fiction / Gabeba Baderoon -- Innocence curtailed: reading maternity and sexuality as labor in Canadian representations of Black girls / Charmaine Nelson -- Gender, sex, and power: images of enslaved women's bodies / Ana Lucia Araujo -- Queering the study of slavery: "To lever's on soap!": Roger Casement, slavery, and sexual imperialism / Brian Lewis -- Sodomy, love, and slavery in colonial Brazil: a case study of Minas Gerais during the eighteenth century / Ronoldo Vainfas -- Eunuchs, power, and slavery in the early Islamic world / Salah Trabelsi -- Legacies: discourse, dishonor, and labor: slaves, coolies, and garrison whores: a colonial discourse of "unfreedom" in the Dutch East Indies / Joost Coté -- Lure of the impure: sexuality, gender, and agency of "slave" girls in contemporary Madagascar / Sandra J.T.M. Evers -- Wages of womanhood: managers and women workers in the Jute Mill industry of Bengal, 1890-1940 / Subho Basu

Bangladesh is a low-lying river delta with a long coastline of 711 kilometers and floodplains that occupy 80 percent of the country (Hasib and Chathoth 2016). The country experiences a multitude of natural disasters every year. Severe floods, cyclones, storms, tidal surges, and river erosion frequently cause loss of life, with devastating social and economic impacts. These extreme weather events are expected to be exacerbated by the effects of climate change (Rahman et al. 2019). The Government of Bangladesh's National Climate Vulnerability Assessment identified a number of climate-related hazards in 2018 that are critical for Bangladesh, including increasing temperature and heat stress; more frequent and longer droughts; increasing rainfall intensity; higher river flows and flood risks; greater riverbank erosion; sea level rises and salinity intrusion; landslides; and increasing intensity of cyclones, storm surges, and coastal flooding (Government of Bangladesh 2018). In rural areas, where nearly 80 percent of the population live, climate change has an immediate and direct effect on the health and wellbeing of millions of people who depend on natural resources for their livelihoods. The impacts of climate change are also increasingly felt in large cities that are exposed to various climate-induced hazards, including variations in temperature, excessive and erratic rainfall, water logging, flooding, and heat and cold waves (Rabbani et al. 2011). These hazards are exacerbated by high population density, poverty, rural–urban migration, illiteracy, and a lack of public utilities and services (Rabbani et al. 2011). Rapid urbanization and a growing urban slum population are quickly changing the population dynamics in Bangladesh, and this has implications for climate-induced health risks (Mani and Wang 2014). The country has the world's highest rate of mortalities that are caused by natural disasters, with more than half a million people lost to disaster events since 1970. Most of these deaths have occurred during floods or cyclones (Nahar 2014). Not long ago, Bangladesh was hit by two major cyclones: Sidr in 2007 and Aila in 2009. Cyclone Sidr killed 3,406 people while more than 55,000 sustained physical injuries. Heavy rain and tidal waves caused by wind effects led to extensive physical destruction and damage to crops and livestock. After Cyclone Sidr, an assessment by the Government of Bangladesh found widespread outbreaks of diarrhea, dysentery, acute respiratory infection, and pneumonia. Children ages five or younger were the most vulnerable (Kabir et al. 2016b). Cyclone Aila hit the southern coastline of Bangladesh and partly damaged the Sundarbans. Along with outbreaks of diarrheal diseases was an acute scarcity of drinking water and food (Kabir et al. 2016b). With the number and intensity of such storms or cyclones projected to increase, climate change can reverse some of the significant gains Bangladesh has made in improving health-related outcomes, particularly in reducing child mortality, improving maternal health, and improving nutritional outcomes.

GeoDataHub (geodatahub.library.auckland.ac.nz) is an authoritative national repository of cartographic and geospatial resources curated by the University of Auckland Library for research, government, and educational communities, as well as the public of New Zealand. Its objectives are to digitise cartographic materials, provide integrated and enhanced data access, and build a unique knowledge base concerning New Zealand's cartographic heritage. GeoDataHub showcases conceptual developments in cartography, surveying, photogrammetry, and other mapping, earth, and social science disciplines, highlighting their contribution to the development of the nation. It supports a dynamic, innovative, and leading edge historical and GIScience research, facilitating scientific discovery and knowledge building. The repository contains digitised maps and charts published by authoritative agencies and research institutes, aerial photography provided by local authorities and all of government satellite imagery. A selection of key geospatial datasets produced by the government, Crown research institutes and local authorities augment the repository – currently over 30TB of data. The focus of GeoDataHub is on providing cartographic and geospatial resources for New Zealand, its offshore islands and territories; South Pacific, particularly Cook Islands, Niue and Tokelau; and Ross Dependency in Antarctica. Regional coverage primarily includes Auckland and Waikato, and parts of Northland, Bay of Plenty and East Cape. Local datasets cover primarily Auckland Region but a selection of datasets from other regions is also included. GeoDataHub is augmented by physical collection of maps and charts, atlases, aerial photographs, gazetteers, map indexes and catalogues, and cartographic paraphernalia, located in the Map Room of the University of Auckland Library. This paper talks about challenges associated with the design, implementation and provision of content for GeoDataHub. Apart from building an integrated and enhanced data access application, facilitating textual, spatial and temporal search, metadata harvesting and discovery utilising GeoNetwork, a catalogue application that manages spatially referenced resources (www.geonetwork-opensource.org), the repository provides a further two ways of accessing cartographic and geospatial resources. One involves browsing the selected content of the repository, examining and downloading the material of interest; the other allows users to 'map a drive' and access all materials using familiar folder structure (the latter applies to the University community of users only). This approach however, occasionally requires provision of the same datasets in two different formats (compressed and uncompressed) depending how the users are accessing them. In addition, a knowledge base concerning New Zealand cartographic heritage is being implemented, providing a useful guide to authoritative mapping served by GeoDataHub. A particular challenge concerns documenting their provenance, content, extent and general characteristics in a modular fasion. The paper concludes with presenting plans for extending GeoDataHub. This includes not only the creation of further geospatial records, provision of more content and expanding the knowledge base, but also strategic decisions concerning the selection of cartographic and geospatial resources and how to provide the best service possible to our growing user base.

GeoDataHub (geodatahub.library.auckland.ac.nz) is an authoritative national repository of cartographic and geospatial resources curated by the University of Auckland Library for research, government, and educational communities, as well as the public of New Zealand. Its objectives are to digitise cartographic materials, provide integrated and enhanced data access, and build a unique knowledge base concerning New Zealand's cartographic heritage. GeoDataHub showcases conceptual developments in cartography, surveying, photogrammetry, and other mapping, earth, and social science disciplines, highlighting their contribution to the development of the nation. It supports a dynamic, innovative, and leading edge historical and GIScience research, facilitating scientific discovery and knowledge building. The repository contains digitised maps and charts published by authoritative agencies and research institutes, aerial photography provided by local authorities and all of government satellite imagery. A selection of key geospatial datasets produced by the government, Crown research institutes and local authorities augment the repository – currently over 30TB of data. The focus of GeoDataHub is on providing cartographic and geospatial resources for New Zealand, its offshore islands and territories; South Pacific, particularly Cook Islands, Niue and Tokelau; and Ross Dependency in Antarctica. Regional coverage primarily includes Auckland and Waikato, and parts of Northland, Bay of Plenty and East Cape. Local datasets cover primarily Auckland Region but a selection of datasets from other regions is also included. GeoDataHub is augmented by physical collection of maps and charts, atlases, aerial photographs, gazetteers, map indexes and catalogues, and cartographic paraphernalia, located in the Map Room of the University of Auckland Library. This paper talks about challenges associated with the design, implementation and provision of content for GeoDataHub. Apart from building an integrated and enhanced data access application, facilitating textual, spatial and temporal search, metadata harvesting and discovery utilising GeoNetwork, a catalogue application that manages spatially referenced resources (www.geonetwork-opensource.org), the repository provides a further two ways of accessing cartographic and geospatial resources. One involves browsing the selected content of the repository, examining and downloading the material of interest; the other allows users to 'map a drive' and access all materials using familiar folder structure (the latter applies to the University community of users only). This approach however, occasionally requires provision of the same datasets in two different formats (compressed and uncompressed) depending how the users are accessing them. In addition, a knowledge base concerning New Zealand cartographic heritage is being implemented, providing a useful guide to authoritative mapping served by GeoDataHub. A particular challenge concerns documenting their provenance, content, extent and general characteristics in a modular fasion. The paper concludes with presenting plans for extending GeoDataHub. This includes not only the creation of further geospatial records, provision of more content and expanding the knowledge base, but also strategic decisions concerning the selection of cartographic and geospatial resources and how to provide the best service possible to our growing user base.

The introduction of an inclusive trauma system in the Netherlands during last decade of the past century, has led to an improvement in Dutch trauma care. Eleven trauma regions were formed nationwide each surrounding a level I trauma center. All hospitals in a trauma region were assigned levels I, II or III, and are working together in a trauma network. Also part of the introduction of the inclusive trauma system was the regionalization of individual ambulance care and the introduction of mobile medical teams. This regionalized trauma care approach has demonstrated its efficacy in terms of better triage and improved patient outcomes as well in the Netherlands as overseas. An optimal trauma system should at least incorporate legislation, designation, funding, cooperation and research.The best strategy is to prevent the injury from occurring in the first place. But when injury does occur the delivery of optimal trauma care represents a critical tertiary prevention strategy to prevent unnecessary death and disability. The trauma system should be a learning system framework for continual improvement in trauma care. Despite these improvements in trauma care and trauma outcome, trauma still is a leading cause of death in the western world. Every day, 16,000 people die from injuries and for every person who dies, several thousand more are injured, many of them with permanent sequelae. Surprisingly, the public appears generally to be unaware that trauma is the leading cause of death for people under the age of 46. In the Netherlands trauma is associated with an economic cost of €3.5 billion annually, €2.0 billion due to healthcare costs and €1.5 billion due to loss of productivity. In the USA trauma is the number one cause of years of potential life lost before the age of 75. This loss is even greater than the loss due to either cancer or heart disease. Every year approximately 85,000 patients are acutely admitted to hospital because of a trauma in the Netherlands, this is far more than the yearly number of acute admissions due to heart disease. Of these approximately 85,000 patients, about 6,000 patients are multiple injured (ISS ≥16) and 2,000 are severely injured (ISS ≥25). For the first time since the 1970's there has been an increase in traffic fatalities and the number of patients injured in traffic is growing since at least 15 years. Despite these facts the Netherlands, as most western countries, seems to have a blind spot for this trauma epidemic. This thesis has focused on several aspects of the trauma system, this to gain knowledge on how the different trauma system structures influence patient outcomes. The research was performed in two level I trauma centers and their trauma regions in the Netherlands, the University Medical Center Utrecht (UMCU) in Utrecht and the Elisabeth-TweeSteden Hospital (ETZ) in Tilburg. Furthermore, an international comparison was performed in a collaboration between the UMCU, the John Hunter Hospital (JHH), Newcastle, New South Wales, Australia, and the Harborview Medical Center (HMC), Seattle, Washington, the United States of America.

Most influential Lithuanian political parties: Christian Democrats, Party of the People's Socialists, Social Democratic Party and Nationalist Party played important role in the formation of Lithuanian foreign policy guidelines during the period of parliamentary government in Lithuania. Nevertheless in historiography the role of them usually was ignored and the main focus was on the Government's foreign policy conception. In our work: "The Foreign Policy Attitudes of Lithuanian Political Parties in 1920 – 1926" we had tried to analyze the foreign policy programs of most influential parties and to identify their impact on Governmental foreign policy concept. Political parties and their leaders had to solve complicated territorial issues that inflamed international status of Lithuania. The dispute of Vilnius imposed an intolerable burden on young state, which threatened to cloud relations with its more powerful neighbors. Although Lithuanian society looked to Poland as to the worst enemy of the nation, the long sighted leaders of Christian Democrats and People's Socialists through the mediation of Great Western Powers tried to solve territorial conflict with southern neighbor and retain historic capital of the country by peaceful measures. But both states have had to reconcile so called project of Hymans mainly because of resistance of Nationalist and Social Democratic parties, was rejected. The savage publicity campaign pointed against projects of Hymans demonstrated the lack of civic self – awareness and political consolidation in young society. After the Conference of Ambassadors in 1923 defined the new demarcation line between Lithuania and Poland, which meant the official recognition of Vilnius to Poland, Lithuanian political leaders started to distrust in Great Western Powers and to search new alternative ways how to reanimate and internationalize the Vilnius question. First party, which started to promote alliance with revisionist axis of Moscow and Berlin, was Lithuanian National Alliance. They leaders looked to these states as to best confederates against common enemy – Poland. They also thought, that Poland wouldn't sustain a siege of Soviets and Germans for a long time and when it brake down, Moscow and Berlin would return historic capital to weak, but loyal ally. This geopolitical concept became more and more popular in Lithuanian political circles. On the eve of 1925 People's Socialists leader M. Sleževičius also started to spoke about necessity to contract closer relations with Soviet Union and Germany. The Lithuanian Social Democratic Party from early 1920's kept prosovietic political line which was heavily influenced Marxist doctrine and by negative party attitudes towards Western Powers. Finally, after the Locarno Conference and Christian democrats under the leadership L. Bistras developed new political program which oriented Lithuanian foreign policy to close with Moscow and Berlin. Under these circumstances in the first part of 1926 all Lithuanian political parties hold prosovietic and progerman political orientation. But after the unsuccessful negotiations with the Soviets for concluding the bilateral non – aggression pact Christian democrats on the contrary to other parties argued against closer relations with Germany and Soviet Union.

Most influential Lithuanian political parties: Christian Democrats, Party of the People's Socialists, Social Democratic Party and Nationalist Party played important role in the formation of Lithuanian foreign policy guidelines during the period of parliamentary government in Lithuania. Nevertheless in historiography the role of them usually was ignored and the main focus was on the Government's foreign policy conception. In our work: "The Foreign Policy Attitudes of Lithuanian Political Parties in 1920 – 1926" we had tried to analyze the foreign policy programs of most influential parties and to identify their impact on Governmental foreign policy concept. Political parties and their leaders had to solve complicated territorial issues that inflamed international status of Lithuania. The dispute of Vilnius imposed an intolerable burden on young state, which threatened to cloud relations with its more powerful neighbors. Although Lithuanian society looked to Poland as to the worst enemy of the nation, the long sighted leaders of Christian Democrats and People's Socialists through the mediation of Great Western Powers tried to solve territorial conflict with southern neighbor and retain historic capital of the country by peaceful measures. But both states have had to reconcile so called project of Hymans mainly because of resistance of Nationalist and Social Democratic parties, was rejected. The savage publicity campaign pointed against projects of Hymans demonstrated the lack of civic self – awareness and political consolidation in young society. After the Conference of Ambassadors in 1923 defined the new demarcation line between Lithuania and Poland, which meant the official recognition of Vilnius to Poland, Lithuanian political leaders started to distrust in Great Western Powers and to search new alternative ways how to reanimate and internationalize the Vilnius question. First party, which started to promote alliance with revisionist axis of Moscow and Berlin, was Lithuanian National Alliance. They leaders looked to these states as to best confederates against common enemy – Poland. They also thought, that Poland wouldn't sustain a siege of Soviets and Germans for a long time and when it brake down, Moscow and Berlin would return historic capital to weak, but loyal ally. This geopolitical concept became more and more popular in Lithuanian political circles. On the eve of 1925 People's Socialists leader M. Sleževičius also started to spoke about necessity to contract closer relations with Soviet Union and Germany. The Lithuanian Social Democratic Party from early 1920's kept prosovietic political line which was heavily influenced Marxist doctrine and by negative party attitudes towards Western Powers. Finally, after the Locarno Conference and Christian democrats under the leadership L. Bistras developed new political program which oriented Lithuanian foreign policy to close with Moscow and Berlin. Under these circumstances in the first part of 1926 all Lithuanian political parties hold prosovietic and progerman political orientation. But after the unsuccessful negotiations with the Soviets for concluding the bilateral non – aggression pact Christian democrats on the contrary to other parties argued against closer relations with Germany and Soviet Union.

Means-tested social assistance programs have acquired, in the last two decades, an increasing role in the majority of industrialised countries. Although the issue of whether social assistance should be targeted or universally granted remains a main subject of dispute (Harding et al. 1994; Mitchell 1995; Smolensky et al. 1995; Atkinson 1995, 1998), the shift towards targeting is in practice quite widespread, mainly reflecting the wish to curb social security budgets in a general context of fiscal restraint. The issue of targeting welfare assumes a particular importance in Italy, whose social assistance programs resemble more the rudimentary regimes typical of Southern Europe than the evolved systems of other EU countries. Indeed, the Italian welfare system is characterised by a number of categorical schemes limited to aged and disabled people, a discretionary relief (mainly in kind) provided by regional and local governments, and the absence of a national minimum income scheme as a universal safety net. To tackle these severe shortcomings, an articulated plan of reform proposals has been put forward in a report issued in 1997 by a special governmental commission on social expenditure. Some of its proposals have recently found two important applications, the reform of means-testing criteria and the experimental introduction of a national safety net scheme, an absolute novelty for the Italian system. The strategy behind the reform is to increase assistance for those most in need and to ensure that public expenditure is better targeted. The paper deals with the distributive implications associated with this reform plan, and in particular with the new entitlement rules which have recently designed to establish the access to welfare expenditure. Section 2 critically reviews the Italian social assistance system and briefly describes the institutional design of the new targeting system, which will gradually substitute the tests of means currently applied. Using the micro-data contained in the most recent sample survey of household income and wealth conducted by the Bank of Italy1 and the tax-benefit microsimulation model Dirimod95, Section 2 also examines the sense in which the shortcomings mentioned above substantially undermine the effectiveness and efficiency of income support programs in alleviating poverty among Italian households. Section 3 is devoted to study how different economic and demographic groups of the population are likely to change their relative position if households are ranked first by a variable representing old means-testing criteria, and then by the new test of means; this analysis aims to clarify how various groups are likely to change their relative probabilities to access social services. Section 4 evaluates the distributive impact of the new spending programs introduced with the budget law for 1999 and of some reforms of the whole assistance system which, although highly speculative, can shed some light on the likely direction towards which the Italian welfare state is evolving. Finally, Section 5 concludes.

Means-tested social assistance programs have acquired, in the last two decades, an increasing role in the majority of industrialised countries. Although the issue of whether social assistance should be targeted or universally granted remains a main subject of dispute (Harding et al. 1994; Mitchell 1995; Smolensky et al. 1995; Atkinson 1995, 1998), the shift towards targeting is in practice quite widespread, mainly reflecting the wish to curb social security budgets in a general context of fiscal restraint. The issue of targeting welfare assumes a particular importance in Italy, whose social assistance programs resemble more the rudimentary regimes typical of Southern Europe than the evolved systems of other EU countries. Indeed, the Italian welfare system is characterised by a number of categorical schemes limited to aged and disabled people, a discretionary relief (mainly in kind) provided by regional and local governments, and the absence of a national minimum income scheme as a universal safety net. To tackle these severe shortcomings, an articulated plan of reform proposals has been put forward in a report issued in 1997 by a special governmental commission on social expenditure. Some of its proposals have recently found two important applications, the reform of means-testing criteria and the experimental introduction of a national safety net scheme, an absolute novelty for the Italian system. The strategy behind the reform is to increase assistance for those most in need and to ensure that public expenditure is better targeted. The paper deals with the distributive implications associated with this reform plan, and in particular with the new entitlement rules which have recently designed to establish the access to welfare expenditure. Section 2 critically reviews the Italian social assistance system and briefly describes the institutional design of the new targeting system, which will gradually substitute the tests of means currently applied. Using the micro-data contained in the most recent sample survey of household income and wealth conducted by the Bank of Italy1 and the tax-benefit microsimulation model Dirimod95, Section 2 also examines the sense in which the shortcomings mentioned above substantially undermine the effectiveness and efficiency of income support programs in alleviating poverty among Italian households. Section 3 is devoted to study how different economic and demographic groups of the population are likely to change their relative position if households are ranked first by a variable representing old means-testing criteria, and then by the new test of means; this analysis aims to clarify how various groups are likely to change their relative probabilities to access social services. Section 4 evaluates the distributive impact of the new spending programs introduced with the budget law for 1999 and of some reforms of the whole assistance system which, although highly speculative, can shed some light on the likely direction towards which the Italian welfare state is evolving. Finally, Section 5 concludes.

In the fall of 1956 a survey was made in Guilford County, North Carolina into readiness for Sch desegregation (SchD) of a stratified area sample of the white, adult M's in its LF (See SA 5707). Simultaneously, `Hunter type' ratings by various officials were used to locate 28 leaders of the industrial, 'progressive' central city in Guilford County. 23 of these leaders were interviewed for from 1.5-3 hours using a moderately standardized set of open-ended questions. This present article, Part III, reports the findings from the leader interviews & discusses them within a speculative & evaluative framework. Occup'ly, the leading group consisted of the city mayor, 6 businessmen, 6 clergymen, 4 educ'al officials, 4 newspaper editors, 2 lawyers, 2 association officials, 2 labor leaders & 1 highly placed Federal gov official. The mayor, 2 businessmen, 1 clergyman & a labor leader could not be interviewed. Of the 23 leaders interviewed, 14 favored SchD & 9 opposed. Leaders' opinions on SchD were not related to diff's in euuc'al attainment or to length of residence & integration in the local community. With the exception of clergymen, all of whom either openly favored SchD, or, at least, did not speak openly against it, leaders' occup's were not related to their opinions on the issue. Leaders favoring SchD followed a strategy of active agitation, openly expressing their views more often than leaders opposing SchD. However, as pressures for change in traditional Sch arrangements from outside & inside the community mounted, the conservative leaders tended to drop their strategy of quiet, dignified but determined resistance & participated openly in the public debate. In interviews, leaders expressed a range of att's on the issue corresponding to that of a majority of the county sample, the minority of white, adult M's willing to close the Sch's & use violence if necessary to maintain segregation not being represented among the top leadership group in the city. Ur leaders on both sides of the issue almost without exception expressed the kind of larger-than-local perspective, moderation, willingness to compromise & respect for law & order which, in the county sample, differentiated those most ready for SchD from from those less ready. In addition, leaders on both sides consider desegregation of the public Sch's in the city inevitable, differing mainly on how long the change will & should take. Given current trends in the southern US towards industrialization & urbanization; given current pressures from US courts, national mass media & opinion; &, assuming the kind of local community leadership uncovered in the present study, the following pol'al forecasts are made: (a) SchD will surely triumph; (b) it will do so quickly & with relatively low intermediate `costs' (in bitterness & hostility engendered among persons & groups, privation of Negro rights during the conflict period, loss of manpower & productive capacity, & rents & tears in the pol'al fabric). W. Delany.

This book presents an in-depth, systematic investigation of the reporting of poverty in Wales, discussing findings from a two-year research project funded by the 'Exploring the Narrative Coalition' (a group of 10 Wales-based third sector organisations), the ESRC, and Cardiff University. Examining how poverty news is covered in the English and Welsh languages across broadcast, print and online news, it provides a detailed insight into current journalistic and communications practices on a crucial issue facing Wales. In the wake of a decade of austerity policies, with official measures confirming experiences of poverty and destitution are increasing, the book offers a timely intervention, critically investigating mainstream media narratives on poverty and how these are shaped. The book is based on original research conducted in 2016-7, in a highly eventful period that included the Tata Steel crisis in Port Talbot, South Wales, the Welsh Government elections and the referendum campaign on the UK's membership of the European Union. It addresses how poverty was framed in such nationally significant news about politics, business and economics, as well as more local, personal or community-focused stories about livelihoods and social issues. A quantitative analysis of the key characteristics of coverage across different media types provides a detailed evidence base for understanding how poverty news was represented. This includes examining the major contextualizing themes, social groups and geographical locations most frequently covered, the causes and consequences of poverty, and sourcing. It demonstrates how Wales-based media coverage differs from more negative reporting typical of some sections of the UK national press, especially in terms of stigmatizing discourses surrounding unemployment and welfare. However, important questions are identified about how news narratives convey meaning and, especially, disconnections between the coverage of macro-economic trends or events and their consequences in the lives of ordinary people. Additionally, the book explores why poverty news coverage is constructed in the way that it is, using findings from detailed interviews with journalists and editors about their practice. Through the lens of professional values and experiences, the book examines the challenges thought to affect poverty reporting. Key issues include the contraction of resources and specialist expertise allocated to social affairs journalism, the difficulties of identifying and reaching potentially vulnerable groups across Wales and representing case studies fairly and ethically. A parallel set of interviews conducted with third sector professionals about their engagement with news media and communications practices provides a further insight into the production of poverty news. Here, the pressures in reporting poverty are seen from a different perspective, where seeking to influence the coverage of poverty and respond to news demands can elicit professional tensions between journalists and the third sector and/or productive cooperative relationships positively impacting news narratives. In providing a detailed picture of how and why poverty news narratives are shaped as they are, the book aims to provide an evidence base informing more meaningful, representative and accurate poverty reporting in Wales.

This book examines energy security as one of nontraditional issues that are strategic for Indonesia's foreign policy. It argues that energy has not been considered as a strategic commodity in the foreign policy to support the effectiveness of Indonesia's diplomacy at the regional and international levels. International and outward looking perspectives have not been much visible both in the policy and political realities. Since foreign policy is a reflection of domestic politics under the influence of international developments, this study focuses its analysis on the domestic and international aspects of the energy security issues. Athiqah Nur Alami is a researcher at the Research Centre for Politics - the Indonesian Institute of Sciences. She has primary academic interests in foreign policy issues, particularly the case of Indonesia, and reinforces her interest on Gender in International Relations. In 2003, she completed her undergraduate degree in International Relations at the Gadjah Mada University, Yogyakarta. She then pursued her Graduate Studies in International Affairs (GSIA) from 2008-2009 at the Australian National University, Canberra.Ganewati Wuryandari is a senior researcher and the head of the Research Centre for Regional Resources - the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (P2SDR-LIPI). Her academic interests are in the fields of international politics, Indonesian foreign policy, Indonesia-Australia relations, Indonesia-Timor Leste relations, and borders. She has published many books and academic papers which relate to her academic interests. She also serves on the editorial boards of various academic political journals. She achieved her undergraduate degree from the Faculty of Social and Political Studies, Gadjah Mada University, Yogyakarta, in 1987. She then obtained her M.A. degree in International Relations at the Department of Politics, Monash University, Melbourne, in 1994, and her Ph.D degree in 2006 at the Discipline of Asian Studies, University of Western Australia, Perth. RR Emilia Yustiningrum is a researcher at the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI), Jakarta, Indonesia. Her research focuses on international politics, foreign policy, humanitarian diplomacy, the politics of disaster, disaster management, community resilience to natural disasters, and climate-related natural disasters. She achieved undergraduate degree on International Relations at the Gadjah Mada University, Indonesia in 2002 with cum laude honour. Then she achieved a M.A. degree in Network on Humanitarian Action (NOHA) from the University of Groningen, the Netherlands, in 2009. Nanto Sriyanto is a researcher at the Research Centre for Politics - the Indonesian Institute of Sciences. His research interest is in international politics, especially foreign policy and international security. He also focuses on regional security issues, especially on the South China Sea issue and regional institution. Nanto completed his M.A. in International Relations at the University of Queensland. He has published several books on non-traditional security issues in relation to Indonesia's foreign policy and also serves on the editorial board of some journals including the Jurnal of Indonesian Political Science Association (AIPI).

This dissertation seeks to explore the ways in which the multiple layers of infrastructure and archive have been coconstituted in Ovamboland from 1915 to 1968 in an effort to store, circulate and redirect water and its knowledge, which in turn seemed to frequently escape and exceed them. In the existent historiography of Ovamboland, infrastructure has usually been taken as a passive background to policies, designs and intentions of an all-knowing colonizing state. In foregrounding infrastructure as its analytical object, this thesis attempts to challenge such self-images of the state, to complicate the standard political chronology of rule, and to examine the various ways in which technical assemblages were both constituted by and productive of broader social, political and economic configurations. Methodologically, the dissertation is attentive to the spiral and palimpsestic nature of infrastructure – in other words, the ways in which new layers of infrastructure had to necessarily rely on, adopt and adapt to older sociotechnical strata. This awareness also allows the work to interrogate the received binary between the Europeans and the natives, pointing instead at their multiple entanglements and imbrications. The first chapter looks at the early attempt of the South African officials to master the underground borehole and well technology, and shows how in the process of extending their political and economic control over the hydroscape, they were necessarily reliant not only on local labour but also on indigenous knowledge and experience. The emergent borehole and well infrastructure of the region was critically connected to older social, political, A b s t r a c t epistemological and technical forms, and embedded in entrenched configurations of cattle, agriculture and land. The second chapter, as it were, moves closer to the surface in order to analyse the production of dam infrastructure as a form of famine-relief work, and eventually the introduction of the Tribal Trust Fund System. It shows how this dam infrastructure, while drawing from precolonial designs and local knowledge, established and acted out new relations between money, grain and labour. Crucially embedded in the colonial refashioning of 'tribal' economies, the financial infrastructure of the Tribal Trust Fund System, superimposed on the well and dam infrastructure, was devised to operationalise a particular managerial regime of the flows of labour, grain and cash. The third chapter looks at such forms of water infrastructure where the state took a more centralised and developmental approach. It shows that in the attempts to manage the water infrastructure in a self-described scientific and technical manner, the new infrastructure still necessarily adapted to and adopted earlier knowledge, techniques and practices, while older layers of infrastructure continued to operate beside and within it. This chapter explores how the introduction of major canals and hydroelectric power generation led to a new intense developmentalist approach by the state where attempted to design a total integrated water infrastructure and economy.

Nagorno-Karabakh is currently considered the most militarized area in the South Caucasus region. The key political decision-makers of Armenia come from Stepanakert. The issue of the future of this territory is an important element of any electoral campaign in Armenia. Any plans to make concessions to the Azerbaijani side are opposed by Armenian nationalist and veteran circles. The memory of the armed conflict with Azerbaijan remains vivid and is reflected in numerous commemorative initiatives in the NKR, as exemplified by the Memo- rial Museum of the Perished Soldiers and the Memorial Museum – The Union of Relatives of Missing Warriors of the NKR in Stepanakert. These institutions are a synthesis of museum and funeral practices. To quote Aleksander Wallis, replacing 'monuments' with 'museums,' it may be concluded that they "were created to historicize current events" which "evoke the greatest emotions, tensions and conflicts" and stem from "profound moral needs." However, unlike monuments whose "artistic shape and symbolic meaning [.] permit different interpre- tations in formal and artistic categories as well as in the categories of meaning, ideology and politics" (Wallis, 1968), the two museums do not give such freedom. Besides commemora- tion, they also serve the purpose of constructing and consolidating hostility towards Azerbaijan – the raison d'être of the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh. The conflict is the foundation of the idea of Artsakh and the main political implication of the spatial values represented by the MMPS and MMMW. The unique character of these museums, however, is not related to the politicization of re- membrance, which is a common feature of such establishments, but rather to the short temporal distance between the armed conflict and the emergence of the exhibitions. Consequently, the memory of the museums' creators has not been 'borrowed' and the message of the museums reflects the current attitude to Azerbaijan. ; Celem tekstu jest próba aplikacji kategorii "wartości przestrzennych", w rozumieniu Floriana Znanieckiego i Aleksandra Wallisa, na grunt badań poświęconych praktykom komemoracyjnym na przykładzie Muzeum Poległych Żołnierzy i Muzeum Zaginionych Wojowników, zlokalizowanych w Stepanakercie – stolicy Republiki Górskiego Karabachu. Pytanie podstawowe sprowadza się do tego, jakie są wartości przestrzenne obu muzeów? Zgodnie z przyjętą hipotezą, obie instytucje stanowią syntezę praktyk muzealnych i funeralnych. Poza funkcją komemoracją, polegającą na upamiętnieniu ormiańskich ofiar konfliktu zbrojnego o Górski Karabach, służą one konstruowaniu i utrwalaniu wrogości wobec Azerbejdżanów. Ma ona charakter fundacyjny dla idei Arcach i stanowi główną implikację polityczną wartości przestrzennych reprezentowanych przez te placówki, uzasadniając nazywanie ich "muzeami frontowymi". Do opracowania materiałów pozyskanych w wyniku badań terenowych użyto metod jakościowych, w tym głównie analizy dyskursu, która pozwoliła potraktować muzea i ich otoczenie jako archiwa, które nie są neutralne, gdyż wiążą się z władzą gromadzenia oraz władzą samych instytucji. Pomocniczo zaś użyto autoetnografii i performansu.

Despite the ongoing globalisation of economic activities, innovation does not take place randomly distributed over space, but concentrates in certain locations. A central argument to explain the spatial concentration of innovation activities lies in the ability of geographical proximity to facilitate interactive learning and knowledge exchange, which in turn is seen as an important driver for regional growth and prosperity. Intensive knowledge sharing within the regional milieu is considered pivotal to continuous innovation, while at the same time, distant sources of knowledge are important for accessing new ideas and thoughts. When, why and in what respect local or non-local knowledge sourcing and exchange matters for innovation is a key question addressed in this dissertation. The thesis applies a regional innovation systems perspective where innovation is seen as the result of interactive learning processes involving various actors from industry, academia and governments, which collectively contribute to regional innovation and growth. Moreover, the thesis takes a broad-based view on innovation where innovation is seen as critical for all sectors of the economy, and not only for science and (high-) technology orientated activities. A distinction between industries is made with respect to the type of knowledge base that underlies innovation activities (i.e. analytical, synthetic and symbolic). When, why and in what respect the geography of innovation varies subject to industry specific difference in the knowledge base is a further key question addressed in this dissertation. In order to account for the diversity of channels through which knowledge can be sourced and exchanged, particular attention is devoted to the notion of networks that connect firms and other organisations inside and outside the region, but also to other modes of knowledge transfer such as monitoring of collaborators and competitors, the mobility of knowledge embodied in skilled labour, and informal relations between individuals within knowledge communities. The dissertation reveals that the organisational and geographical scope of knowledge exchange is strongly (but not exclusively) shaped by the type of knowledge base that underlies innovation activities. The results point in the direction that symbolic industries, partly as a consequence of the context-dependency of cultural knowledge, are deeply embedded in localised knowledge networks, while knowledge exchange in synthetic industries is less locally organised and more governed by the national institutional framework. Analytical industries tend to rely less on localised sources of knowledge, and more on specialised knowledge providers in other parts of the world. The research design is inspired by critical realist ontology, epistemology and methodology, and draws on a mix of qualitative and quantitative methods. The empirical focus lies on several regional industries (or clusters) in different parts of Europe, with the main attention on the new media, food and life science industries in Scania, southern Sweden. The dissertation consists of five articles that are published or forthcoming in peer-reviewed journals, preceded by an opening part which outlines the theoretical and methodological background framing the individual articles.