Suchergebnisse

Agriculture has been and probably will be a significant branch in the south part of the Great Plain in the future as well. Besides the mass products, and in many cases instead of them when forming the agricultural structure, this region has to pay more attention to the branches that were important in the past. Hungarian experts who are famous in foreign countries as well deal with these branches and they provide excellent products. The rules referring to these products are more liberal in the market places of the European Union and their development is not controlled by strict quota systems. In the south part of the Great Hungarian Plain a lot of unique products of excellent quality are produced. Here in this essay we would like to find the answer to the question how the two significant products of the southern part of the Great Hungarian Plain can provide the families with an income that they can live on. We aim at the economical examination of the asparagus grown in Homok and of the cucumber grown in Méhkerék. To do this we will apply the so called Standard Gross Margin. The agriculture of the states of the European Union is measured with the help of this method. It can also help us in the future to decide whether the different farms belonging to families are economically viable in Hungary. ; A Dél-Alföldi Régióban a mezőgazdaság mindig is jelentős ágazat volt, s ez előreláthatólag így marad a jövőben is. A tömegtermékek előállítása mellett és gyakran helyett a régiónak nagyobb hangsúlyt kell fektetnie a mezőgazdasági struktúra kialakításakor azokra az ágazatokra, melyek nagy múltra tekintenek vissza, magyar művelői nemzetközileg is elismert szakértelemmel rendelkeznek és kitűnő minőségű termékeket produkálnak. Az ilyen termékek szabályozása az Európai Unió piacain is liberálisabb, fejlesztésüket kevésbé köti a merev kvótarendszer. A Dél-Alföldi Régióban számos sajátos, kitűnő minőségű, speciális terméket állítanak elő. Munkánkban arra keressük a választ, hogy a Dél-Alföldi Régió két jelentős kertészeti kultúrája hogyan biztosítja a család megélhetéséhez szükséges jövedelmet. Ennek érdekében célul tűztük ki a Homoki spárga és a Méhkeréki uborka termesztésének ökonómiai vizsgálatát a Standard Fedezeti Hozzájárulás módszer segítségével. Az Európai Unióban a tagállamok mezőgazdasági termelés hatékonysága mérésének ez az egyik módszere amely Magyarországon is a jövőben segítséget nyújthat a családi gazdaságok életképességének eldöntéséhez.

Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: The development and application of Islam law in the Southern Slavonic countries

This paper explores how Britain's and Colombia's privileged relations with the United States (U.S.) influenced their journey through the European Community (EC) and the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR). The Anglo–American Special Relationship (AASR) was compatible with British participation in the European Single Market, but not with adherence to creating the EC's common currency, nor with leadership in building a European defence structure autonomous from NATO. Thus, since the start of the Iraq war, Britain played a rather obstructive role in what later was called European Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). The US–Colombia Partnership (USCP), based on a longstanding military association reinforced under Plan Colombia, naturally discouraged any meaningful Colombian participation in UNASUR's South American Security Council (CDS), a regional cooperative security project, promoted by Brazil. Cherished projects of the liberal CAP – such as triangular cooperation (to export Colombian security expertise to Central America with U.S. co-financing and oversight) and NATO partnership – also distracted Colombia's interest from UNASUR, diminishing the latter's relevance collaterally. A role for UNASUR – alongside the Organization of American States (OAS) – in South American security management was compatible with the liberal CAP, but not with the neoconservative CAP. Even a lopsided complementation – such as the one between NATO and the CSDP – proved unviable between the OAS and UNASUR.

The largest ethnic minority of the European Union is constituted by the approximately 10-12 million Roma population. Geographically they are primarily located in the South Eastern European EU Member States, and the solution of the Roma question constitutes a number one problem in the home affairs of these countries. Most of the countries are already members–or candidate members –of the European Union but their joining to the Western market economies is not lacking problems. As a consequence of the current financial and economic crisis, the EU has become even more "two-speed". In this crisis situation the situation of the Roma population living here has become particularly hopeless. The rapid increase in the number of the Roma population in South Eastern Europe living among the conditions of the demographic boom, as well as their geographical expansion intensify the sensitivity of the mainstream society regarding the questions of the transforming coexistence. The shift in the ratio within the population sharpened and magnified the differences between the dissimilar lifestyle and the philosophy of life respecting the two major social groups which led to sharpening tensions. Of course, the deeply desperate Roma population makes more and more attempts in order to be able to migrate from the South Eastern European countries to the richer regions of Western Europe and North America in the hope of an easier life. They, however, face more and more obstacles. The social and economic integration of the Roma population in Hungary is mainly hindered by the low level of education, the high level of unemployment, criminality and the existing prejudices experienced in the mainstream society.

In South America in the 1960s and 1970s the contradictions of economic, social and political structures were deepening. The excepcional states of the new militarism appeared on the continent. Formally these state systems were set up by the institutional takeover of the armed forces. The military governments strove for the total reorganization and modernization of the societies in their all ‒ economic, political and ideological ‒ territories.The break-down of the military dictatorships in South America, in the one of three semi-peripherical areas of the world, took place in the 1970s and 1980s and 1990s and it was followed by the restoration of the civil governing in the form of hybrid systems. All these processes constituted the parts of the democratization.However in those societies have been present the authoritarian enclaves and the so-called "powers that be" as well as the inherited non-elected system of institutions of the controlled democray endangering the democratic establishment.The study aims at analizing these processes, the governmental and the state structures and the Económic transformations on the ground of the Brazilian experiences.

All actors in Central-East Europe face the changing role of different regions. In Hungary, the regional policy of the new government recasts chances and duties of former development regions with primary focus on counties. The article deals with a specific region along Southern course of river Tisza. We prove that this part of a wider European region, a sometime organic one, is actually object of reintegration. We analyze different conditions and dimensions of altering relations which play eminent role in the reinforcement of the organic character. The perspective of local actors in the next period, can be found in he new European Danube Strategy, as long as they are ready to organize themselves on appropriate regional base. Danube Strategy will be filled with real content if each identity region will be ready to accommodate itself in the new and wider European structure of a functional macroregion called Danube Region. We conclude that appropriate management of conditions supports the ongoing European and inner integration process.

My current study's main focus concentrates on the political parties and organizations of Vojvodina (officially: Autonomous Province of Vojvodina), from their earliest movements –dating back to the events of the Eastern-European democratic transformations –to nowadays' situation. To establish the topic I consider it quite important to emphasize and give a general view about the possibilities of advocation available during the reign of the previous regime as well as the main characteristics of the Southern Slavic minority politics. Beginning with the 1990s, in the northern territory of Serbia, we witnessed the formation of one of the most complex and complicated party relations existing in the Carpathian Basin between Hungarian parties, due to which the majority of the divided community turned away from the parties declaredly representing their interest. I will attempt to discuss the course events in a chronological order, exploring the reason and origin of the animosity lying between these organizations. Although the autocracy of Milošević had been abolished for over ten years, most of the original goals of these parties have not been met as of yet. Despite this, there is no prospect of cooperation among them, though the underlying cause is not an ideological one but the very reason of nearly two-decade-long individual oppositions.

The South Transdanubian Region is a region in a critical condition which economic performance is continuously lagging behind the national average, and which still has not found its path after the social-economic transition of Hungary. The economic performance and the employment capacity of the former industry could not be fully substituted by the new industries which settled down in the region on the basis of the collapsed one. The situation was worsening by the deterioration of the performance of the agriculture. On the other hand, the reduction in the performance of the productive sectors could have been counterbalanced neither by the tourism, nor by the development of the service sector. While the capital attraction ability of the region is extremely weak (only 1.1% of the foreign direct investment has flown into the region), thus the development of the region is determined by the fact that to what extent the region's own resources can be exploited and how much financial transfers can be obtained by the region from the central government. Therefore, the further deterioration of the region can be refrained on the one hand with a regional development policy which concentrates on the elimination and conscious counterbalance of the regional disadvantages, on the other hand, with a future-oriented development policy harmonized among the counties and the economic organizations of the region.

After the transformation to democracy and market economy the Visegrad Four (V4) countries (Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia) have rejoined the group of donors providing international development assistance to poor emerging countries. The aim of the paper is to help to better understand the foreign aid policy and practice of the V4 countries and their contribution to the development of the poor emerging countries by providing foreign aid for them. The main research questions focus on the following issues: What is the history and the major motif of the V4 countries for providing foreign aid? Which are the most preferred beneficiary countries and why? How much foreign aid and in what area is provided? How does it relate to other international donors? What does it mean to the recipient countries? Are there similarities or differences between the V4 countries in this respect? What are the major features distinguishing V4 donors from others? What kind of challenges and opportunities can arise? The hypotheses of the research to be tested are as follows: 1. Providing foreign aid by the V4 countries has its roots in the past regime which still has an influence on the present practice. 2. The V4 countries represent a special model for development cooperation with the aid recipient countries. 3. The major motif of the V4 countries for providing foreign aid was to support the geopolitical interest of the ex "Soviet Block", while after the change of the regime the aspiration of the V4 countries shifted towards gaining economic benefits from the cooperation with the aid recipient countries. The method of the research is literature review related to development theory and foreign aid as well as statistical analysis based on data on Official Development Assistance (ODA). Results prove the hypotheses.

The education has been exceedingly affected by the economic recession, the transformed state governance and the demographic waves, so the educational system of each country underwent some changes. The aim of my research is the comparative study of the educational systems in the East-Central European region. I examined the relationships between the different qualities, historical backgrounds, reforms and I explored the relationship between the current states of the systems (Karsten & Majoor, 1994; Lannert, 1998; Knell & Srholec, 2007; Horn & Sinka, 2007; Báthory, 2008; Dienes, 2007; Kelemen, 2010; Dakowska & Harmsenbert, 2015). My research questions are the following: What were the main reforms in the transformation of education systems? What similarities can be observed in the school systems of the countries? The region I studied is a specific East-Central European region, so the countries I have chosen are Hungary, Romania, Serbia, Croatia, Slovenia, Austria, Slovakia, Czech Republic, Poland. In my study, I have created three groups and I present the changes in the education systems of these countries, taking into consideration economic, social and political issues (Lannert, 2004; Kozma, 2006; Barber & Moirshed, 2007; Valuch, 2009; Kelemen, 2010; Jakubowski, 2015). Analyzing the results, it can be concluded that the regime change has enabled the countries to redefine themselves and find their new status in domestic and international politics, and also in world economy. The world economy situation created same problems for the states of the region, but their resources were different, so the public spending on education, the characteristics of education management and the infrastructure characteristics of the institutions were different. Among the main results, I have identified two groups during compulsory schooling, the first group being countries that introduce compulsory schooling up to the age of 6-15 years, and the other group consists of countries introducing compulsory schooling up to the age of 16. I have examined the curriculum regulation and the textbook market, it can be stated that, as a result of the reforms, new curricula were prepared, the textbooks were adapted according to these. Examining curriculum regulation is the result of countries striving for central regulation, but it has to be emphasized that there are countries that have integrated framework curricula and / or local curricula into a single national core curriculum, thus giving the opportunity to more autonomous management. In summary it can be concluded that the history of the countries studied and the development of their educational systems evolved similarly, however, differences can be observed by examining the different educational characteristics. My theoretical research can contribute to the discovery of the situation in Hungary and to the development tendencies and trends in the region.

A tanulmány célja a 2015-ben indult Modern városok program (MVP) iparfejlesztési elképzeléseinek kritikai elemzése a hazánkban kialakult függő piacgazdasági modell és a tartós gyengeségekkel küzdő fejlesztéspolitikai intézményrendszer tükrében. A gazdasági válság utáni Magyarországon a főáramú fejlesztéspolitikák kudarca, az ország gyenge felzárkózási teljesítménye növekvő érdeklődést eredményezett az alternatív gazdaságfejlesztési receptek iránt. Az új teret nyert developmentalista felfogás visszanyúl az erős állami beavatkozás ideájához, ezt azonban paradox módon olyan környezetben teszi, amelyben a gazdaság jelentős hányada külföldi beruházók kezében van, a hazai fejlesztéspolitika eszköz- és intézményrendszere pedig tartós és öröklődő gyengeségekkel küzd. A kormány és a fejlesztésre kijelölt megyei jogú városok külön megállapodásain nyugvó, uniós forrásokat újraelosztó Modern városok program projektszemléletű, vonásaiban a francia és a lengyel tervszerződésekhez hasonló (de azoknál gyengébb és esetlegesebb) fejlesztési eszközként, az új fejlesztési filozófia megtestesítőjeként jelent meg az állami cselekvésben. A program, bár elsősorban városfejlesztési eszköz, jelentős számban tartalmaz újraiparosításra irányuló vagy azt támogató fejlesztési célokat (77 projekt). A program elképzeléseit jelentős regionális különbségek fémjelzik. Az ország nyugati felében inkább a hagyományos fejlesztési eszközök alkalmazása és néhány tudásintenzív tevékenység letelepítésére irányuló törekvés figyelhető meg; a Dél-Alföldön és környezetében az endogén növekedési modell számára is kedvező komplex iparfejlesztési célok kerültek előtérbe; az ország ipari perifériáin azonban egyáltalán nem került sor igazi áttörést sejtető, előremutató fejlesztési célok megfogalmazására. Feltehető, hogy az MVP nyertesei elsősorban a már iparosodott vagy újraiparosodó térségek lesznek; a területi különbségek mérséklődése helyett a különbségek további növekedésére számíthatunk. A critical analysis of the Modern Cities Programme, a development programmelaunched by the Hungarian government in 2015, considers the reindustrialisation components as part of the debate on the varieties of capitalism (in particular the issue of Central and Eastern European dependent market economies) and the persisting institutional deficiencies in the Hungarian planning system. After the 2008 crisis, the low efficiency or failure of mainstream development policies and Hungary's poor convergence record have contributed to a growing interest in alternative development policies. The emerging development-policy vision is returning to the idea of strong state intervention, although paradoxically it continues to operate in an environment characterised by exceptionally high foreign participation in the economy, particularly in its most competitive segments. In addition, domestic development policy struggles with permanent and self-reinforcing institutional weaknesses that significantly reduce its effectiveness. The resulting re-centralisation has not only led to an increase in regional differences, but also to a further weakening of development institutions operating in cities and regions. Effective development systems (development coalitions and early-stage urban regimes) that are capable of setting and achieving coherent, systematic development goals exist only in a few select locations across the country. The Modern Cities Programme, essentially a redistribution of EU funds based on special agreements between the central government and the major Hungarian cities, is a project-based development agenda that somewhat resembles French and Polish planning contracts, albeit in a diluted and less coherent form. As an instrument of development policy, it fits into the new etatist development philosophy. Although the programme is predominantly an instrument of urban development, it also includes 77 projects directly or indirectly related to reindustrialisation. These initiatives focus mainly on improving transport links, developing specific sectors, vocational training, education and a limited R&D+I component. The programme characteristics vary greatly from region to region. In the western half of the country, traditional development instruments predominate with limited evidence of attempts at building up knowledge-intensive activities. In the Southern Great Plain, also complex industrial development goals are found that are conducive to endogenous growth, partly reflecting the lack of FDI in the region and a more SME-based development trajectory. The programme has not been able to realise favourable reindustrialisation initiatives in the peripheral industrial areas of Hungary. The fact that the programme tended to benefit 'winners' is likely to increase existing development gaps rather than reduce existing regional disparities.