Suchergebnisse

The government of the South Kalimantan Province moved the provincial capital from Banjarmasin to Banjarbaru at the end of 2011. However, there has not been a clear decision as to what the government's old building will be used for. One thing is clear, the utilization has to be optimized by considering the local government regulations. The aim of the research is to examine the highest and the best alternatives of utilization that can be adopted for such an asset. Non-probability sampling method was used in the research to find the alternatives. The alternatives were analyzed by using the highest and the best use analysis as the relevance test instrument for each of them. After analyzing the alternatives, the benefit-cost ratio (BCR) analysis was conducted to analyze the alternatives prior to determining their feasibility. Legal analysis, physical analysis, financial analysis, and the maximum productivity analysis were the stages conducted on the research based on highest and best use analysis. Based on the result of the research, the alternative which is feasible to do is that the building is used for other governmental or public purposes. Through the analysis, the alternative meets the criteria of the analysis as mentioned before with NPV Rp. 747,439,143 and BCR 1.024. Furthermore, according to 42.5 percent of the respondents, the building is best used for UPT offices and other institutions.

Researcher conducted a study with the aim to determine the quality of items in terms of analysis: 1) the validity of the content and empirical, 2) reliability, 3) level of difficulty, 4) distinguishing features, and 5) the function of detractors. This research is a descriptive study. The sample was a set of second semester final exam subjects biology grade XI IPA SMAof the school year 2015/2016 in the south region district solok. Quantitative analysis was performed by using Anates, while for the qualitative analysis carried out by the study table. Based on the results of data analysis, the result for the review of aspects: 1) the validity of the content, about 7.5% did not meet the material aspect, 40% of questions that do not meet aspects of construction, and 77.5% did not meet aspects of language problems, and validity empirically, 52.5% are invalid matter, 2) reliability, the test has a value of 0.67 belong to the category enough, 3) the level of difficulty, 5% classified as very easy matter, 22.5% easy, 40% about the medium, 17 , 5% about the difficult, and 15% about the very difficult, 4) different power, 15% of matter which is classified as very bad, 15% about the relatively ugly, 30% about enough, and 40% items good, 5) function options, for options that are not qualified humbug is 75% and the quality is 25%. It can be concluded that the end of the semester exam subjects biology grade XI of the school year 2015/2016 in the south region district solok not meet both criteria.

학위논문 (석사)-- 서울대학교 대학원 : 행정학과, 2012. 2. 엄석진. ; 이 연구는 '입법에 의한 행정통제의 제도화' 과정을 입체적으로 살펴보기 위하여, 김영삼 정권 시기에 제정된 행정절차법과 정보공개법의 제정과정을 옹호연합모형(ACF)을 적용하여 비교 분석한 것이다. 이를 통하여 대통령과 행정부, 의회 등 입법과정의 주요 행위자에 초점을 두어 한국 행정절차법 제정과정을 연구한 Ginsburg(2001)의 고착 모형(Lock-in Model)과 Baum(2007)의 통제 모형(Rein-in Model)이 간과한 시민단체·학계·정당 등의 활동과 관료제의 반발 등 다양한 행위자 간의 상호작용을 규명하고자 하였다. 분석 결과, 첫째, 양 법률의 제정 과정에서 적극적 개혁연합과 보수적 개혁연합이 존재하였으며, 촉발기제 및 여론의 관심, 옹호연합의 대립과 입법 주도권 정도에 따라 입법의 지연과 법률 내용의 변화를 가져왔다. 특히 양 법률의 제정과정을 비교함으로써 이와 같은 상호작용의 특성이 입법의 지연과 법률 내용의 변화를 가져온 주요한 원인이었음을 새롭게 발견할 수 있었다. 둘째, 입법 과정에서 국회의 영향력은 미약하였으며, 대통령이 강한 리더십으로 입법을 추진하더라도 법률의 규율 대상인 관료제가 입법 과정에 참여함으로써 법률 내용에 한계가 나타났다. 이는 그동안 김영삼 정부 시기의 행정법제 개혁에 대한 상반된 평가, 즉 한편으로는 행정절차법과 정보공개법의 제정으로 법치주의를 향한 진전이 있었다고 평가되면서도, 그 내용적 측면에서는 소극적이고 수세적이며 지속적인 개선이 필요하다는 지적에 대해 제정과정 측면에서 해답을 제시하고 있다. 즉, 양 법률 공히 제정과정에서 국회가 주도적 역할을 하지 못한 가운데, 대통령의 리더십과 시민사회의 요구를 바탕으로 입법이 추진되었지만, 양 법률의 규율 대상인 관료제가 입법과정에 깊숙이 참여함으로써 내용적 측면에서 한계가 나타날 수밖에 없었음을 보여준다. 결과적으로 이 연구는 양 법률의 제정 과정을 비교함으로써 시민단체·학계 등의 활동과 관료제의 반발 등 다양한 행위자 간의 상호작용을 규명하고, 이와 같은 상호작용의 특성이 입법의 지연과 법률 내용의 변화를 가져온 주요한 원인이었음을 발견하였다. 향후 대통령과 관료제 간의 심층적인 상호작용 및 정책중개자의 실체와 역할 등을 밝히는 연구가 추가적으로 이루어진다면, 김영삼 정부 시기 행정법제 개혁의 성과와 한계를 체계적으로 밝히는데 기여할 수 있을 것이다. ; This study aims to do the comparative analysis of the enactment process of the Administrative Procedure Act(APA) and the Freedom of Information Act(FOIA) enacted in the Kim Young Sam regime by applying the Advocacy Coalition Framework(ACF) with a view to looking into the various aspects of the process of 'Institutionalization in control of administrative process by the legislative'. This study has the purpose of identifying the interactions of a large variety of agents such as civil organizations, academic profession, political parties and bureaucracy which was overlooked in the previous studies - Lock-in Model by Ginsburg(2001) and Rein-in Model by Baum(2007) - which analyzed the enactment process of Administrative Procedures Act in Korea, focusing on the official agents in the legislative process such as President, the executive branch, and Congress, etc. The results and the findings of this study can be summarized as follows. First, there were two major agents in the enactment process of the APA and FOIA, the active coalition and the conservative coalition, which resulted in the delay of the legislation and the modification of the laws depending on triggering mechanisms, the public's attention, legislative advocacy coalition, and the degree of the initiative. In particular, by comparing the enactment processes of both Acts, it was concluded that the characteristic of the interactions as above was the major cause that led to the delay of the legislation and the modification of the laws. Second, even after democratization in Korea, the influence of the National Assembly in the legislative process was weak. Even though presidential's legislative power was strong, limitations on the institutionalization of legal control has still remained because executive branch as target discipline has been involved in the legislative process. Thus, the findings of this study may partially provide answers to the question on differences between APA and FOIA legislation process. The dynamics of power was present between bureaucrats and civil organizations in the legislative process, and the contents of the bill and the time delay varied with the degree of a legislative initiative of officials who was the main opposition coalition in the enactment process. The further research in the future on in-depth interaction between the president and the bureaucracy, and on the role of the policy broker will be able to contribute to systematically elucidate in the achievements and limits of the reforms of administrative laws in the Kim Young Sam regime. ; Master

The Covid-19 pandemic has disrupted elections in various countries, decreased voter participation, and increased the potential for virus transmission that threatens public health—one of the countries holding elections during the Covid-19 pandemic in South Korea. In contrast to most other election organizing countries during the pandemic, the South Korean Legislative Election in 2020 became a legislative election with the highest turnout of voters reaching 66.2 percent. The election was won by the Democratic People's Party of Korea as the party that carries President Moon Jae-in. This study discusses the effect of the four-pronged strategy used by President Moon Jae-in in tackling Covid-19 on the victory of the Democratic People's Party of Korea. This study will also discuss the high civic duty of the South Korean community, which affects the high turnout of voters, regardless of elections held during a crisis. This study finds that despite the poor assessment of economic policies, foreign relations, and political scandals in the administration of President Moon Jae-in, crises are considered to have higher urgency and become the main indicator of a society in conducting retrospective assessments. This is supported by the public's views, who view the Covid-19 pandemic as a national crisis, and participating in elections is considered a form of nation-saving duty. The high voter turnout and the effectiveness of the four-pronged strategy affected the victory of the Democratic People's Party of Korea in the 2020 South Korean Legislative Elections. ; Pandemi Covid-19 mendisrupsi jalannya pemilu di berbagai negara dan berpengaruh pada penurunan partisipasi pemilih dan meningkatkan potensi transmisi virus yang mengancam kesehatan masyarakat. Salah satu negara yang menyelenggarakan pemilu di tengah pandemi Covid-19 adalah Korea Selatan. Berbeda dengan mayoritas negara penyelenggara pemilu lainnya di saat pandemi, Pemilu Legislatif Korea Selatan tahun 2020 menjadi pemilu legislatif dengan perolehan turnout voters tertinggi mencapai 66,2 persen. Pemilu tersebut dimenangkan oleh Democratic People's Party of Korea selaku partai pengusung Presiden Moon Jae-in. Penelitian ini membahas pengaruh dari four-pronged strategy yang digunakan oleh Presiden Moon Jae-in dalam menanggulangi Covid-19 terhadap kemenangan Democratic People's Party of Korea. Tidak hanya menggunakan penilaian retrospective, penelitian ini juga akan membahas tingginya civic duty masyarakat Korea Selatan yang mempengaruhi tingginya perolehan turnout voters, terlepas dari pemilu yang diadakan di tengah situasi krisis. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa terlepas dari buruknya penilaian kebijakan ekonomi, hubungan luar negeri, dan skandal politik pada pemerintahan Presiden Moon Jae-in, situasi krisis dinilai memiliki urgensi yang lebih tinggi dan menjadi indikator utama masyarakat dalam melakukan penilaian retrospective. Hal tersebut didukung dengan pandangan masyarakat yang menilai Pandemi Covid-19 sebagai krisis nasional, dan berpartisipasi dalam pemilu dianggap sebagai bentuk nation-saving duty. Tingginya partisipasi pemilih dan efektivitas four-pronged strategy mempengaruhi kemenangan Democratic People's Party of Korea pada Pemilu Legislatif Korea Selatan tahun 2020.

The existence of ASEAN trully did not comes apart from concerns about the South East Asian Nations which has conflicted, for example like the confrontation between Indonesia and Malaysia, territorial demand between Phillipine and Malaysia on Sabah, also the separation of Singapore from the Malaysian Federation. From those backgrounds, the South East Asian Nations especially Indonesia and Malaysia which recently conflicted, realizes the needs to form a cooperation to reduce tension, to construct confidence building and pushing regional cooperation growth which felt have no progress after each nations receive its independence. 8 August 1967 is the first ASEAN formation spearheaded by five Ministers of Foreign Affair from Indonesia, Phillipine, Malaysia, Singapore and Thailand, which resulted in the signation of ASEAN Declaration or known as The Bangkok Declaration and it also means ASEAN is formally created. One of the ASEAN's aim is "to accelerate economic growth, social progress and cultural growth in South East Asia Nations." Nevertheless, in actualizing ASEAN's growth it is not as easy as turning the palm of a hand, various national interest affected ASEAN's policy. Resulted to outdraw the main aim that have been agreed by the Nations, informal or formal conflict always happened in the middle of goverments effort in reducing conflict. For example, the arrest of KPLP Indonesian Officer by the Malaysian Royal Police, the accusation of Thailand to Malaysia in helping separatism of South Thailand, the dispute of Angkor Temple between Cambodia and Vietnam constituted on how the implementation of ASEAN's agreements are hard to happened. Although, the interesting parts are eventhough conflicts still exist between each Nations but open war which can cause many victims never happens. One of the secret why ASEAN Nations stays solid is the tolerance and togetherness underlied the brotherhood of South East Asia Nations. Which nowadays had been used as a strong reason to build trush building between each member for the advancement of ASEAN nations in the future. Social and cultural approaches through public diplomation, reconsiliation and bridging of kinship always be a reference in problem solutions, relativeness in ASEAN's history had always be an important point for ASEAN's progress until nowadays. Keywords : Cooperation, Kinship And Prospective

South South Cooperation (SSC) is a form of development cooperation between developing countries based on the principle of solidarity, equality (mutual opportunity) and the principle of mutual benefit. Indonesia is one of the member countries of Cooperation which is active as a foreign aid provider for SSC partner countries. So far, the available discussions have only focused on the benefits of South South Cooperation (SSC) on Indonesia's national interests. This journal examines from another perspective on the impact of Indonesia's foreign assistance on the development of member states of South South Cooperation. The research method used was descriptive qualitative with a focus on providing assistance in the Asian region. Foreign aid provided by Indonesia focuses more on training and community empowerment programs. Indonesia also provided financial assistance but the value was no greater than non-financial assistance worth US $ 60 million. In addition, Indonesia's foreign aid for conflict countries in Asia includes educational, economic, health and social programs that aim to help and alleviate the suffering of people in the midst of conflict. The impact of the provision of non-financial assistance is that people in developing countries in Asia get new knowledge, skills and information to be implemented in their countries and increase community empowerment so that they are not increasingly dependent on foreign financial assistance.

South Kalimantan is an area that is very rich in natural resources that managed by many companies and it is inhabited by a majority of Muslims which are as the potential of zakat, infaq and alms so large amount, but the results of the funding collection of zakat, infaq and alms at National Zakat Agency of Province South Kalimantan are still not maximal. This research is a qualitative descriptive research and focused on the discussion of the strategy of zak at, infaq and alms fundraising at National Zak at Agency of Province South Kalimantan, with data collection techniques by means of observation, interviews and documentation. The results of this study indicate that the implementation of the strategy of zak at, infaq and alms fundraising at National Zakat Agency of Province South Kalimantan is still less effective and efficient, which is due to the concept of inappropriate strategy formulation and lack of evaluation of the implementation of the strategy. Then in implementing the fundraising strategy, there are several advantages, including the National Zakat Agency National Zakat Agency is the mandate of the Law, the potential for zak at in the province of South Kalimantan is very large. On the contrary, there are deficiencies that are owned by National Zak at Agency of Province South Kalimantan, which are: The number of human resources management of National Zak at Agency in Province South Kalimantan which is still lack ing, the lack of operational strategies for Zakat, Infaq and alms fundraising and the mindset of "Ulama Sentris" in the community.

Government South Sulawesi Province has obtained WTP opinion for the four consequentive years. This research aimed to interpret the meaning of the auditor's proper without-exception (WTP) opinion from the point of view of the understanding of the writer of the financial statements (BPKD) and the Inspectorate of the Government of South Sulawesi Province. The research samples (informants) were the staff members and achelon officials in the Government of South Sulawesi Province, the echelon officials in the inspectorates of South Sulawesi Province. The research type was qualitative, and the researcher tried to dig the meaning of the WTP opinion which was achieved Maynard's thought, in which Maynard analyzed the conversation. The qualitative data were analyzed in the three steps, namely (1) the data reduction, (2) the data display, and (3) the conclusion drawing/verification. The research result revealed that the WTP opinion achieved by the Government of South Sulawesi was started from the leader's ambision to achieve the WTP opinion while he was in his position. Socially, all the civil achieve the WTP opinion. Psychologically, such a situation had made some of the staff members had showed different behaviors: some as well as the echelon did the work voluntary, but some did it because of the pressure of their superior.

The performance of human resources (SDM) plays an important role in every activity in an organization. The same is true for the Regional Body for Disaster Response (BPBD) of South Aceh. The recruitment and the selection constitute a process conducted by an organization in order to add SDM through some stages. This is aimed to provide enough SDM in order that the management can select qualified employees since SDM needed by an organization depends highly on the procedure of recruitment and selection. The research was an explanatorywhich analyzed the influence of the independent variable of the process of recruitment and selection on the performance of BPBD employees in South Aceh District. The samples comprised 46 respondents. The data were gathered by conducting interviews with questionnaires and analyzed by using multiple regression tests with the level of reliability of 95%.The result of the research showed that there was significant influence of the process of recruitment and selection on the performance of BPBD employees in South Aceh District with the percentage of the influence contribution of 24.3%. The variable which had the most contribution on the employees' performance was the variable of Selection.It is recommended that the management of BPBD of South Aceh and other parties concerned should conduct recruitment and selection of employees in good stages of process so that they can obtain human resources that are able to carry out their jobs according to the vision and mission of BPBD in order that the employees' performance becomes optimal in achieving the organization's goalKeywords: Rekrutmen, Seleksi, Kinerja

As a part of the culture, folklore is important to be documented and studied. The folklore of south coast Pacitan, is still prevalent nowadays. Although it is not all documented, an effort of the research has to be conducted. Beside as an effort of conserving it, the research is also very important to reveal another side of the story. Based on the reason, the study is conducted to reveal the mindset as well as the culture system of the past society reflected in folklore. This study uses the theory of narrative structure of Levi 's Strauss . The method used is a qualitative method approach using anthropology. The data used comes from the 14 folklores taken from the South Coast of Pacitan region. Based on the result of the analysis, it can be concluded that the mindset of the past society can be separated into (1) the social status way, (2) migration way, and (3) the way of techno-economy. While, the life views of the past society in the south coast of Pacitan region are (1) complying the rule, (2) nature as the source of life, and (3 ) Peace of life is very desirable dream.

Food security is still becoming a crucial issue in developing countries nowadays, either in urban or rural areas. There are many factors triggered this condition, such as the increase in population pressure and conflict, privatization and changing tenure arrangements, poverty, social differentiation and also environmental degradation. It's undeniable that food security is a multidimensional problem, especially for people who lived in rural or isolated areas. In Mentawai Islands, a district located in the western part of Indonesia, the indigenous people depend on forest product (sago) as their main source of food. However, since 2012, the government has destroyed their food culture by establishing the 'National Food Security Improvement Program' and conducting the agricultural intensification as well as establishing 600 hectares of new rice fields in six sub - districts; South Pagai, North Pagai, Sikakap, South Sipora, North Sipora, and South Siberut. This study is conducted comprehensively using the Food Security and Vulnerability Analysis (FSVA) to understand and describe the exact profiles of food-insecurities and vulnerable households. Furthermore, it also identified the risks and vulnerabilities of food consumption in Mentawai communities. Findings depict that shifting or transforming the food culture from sago to rice is a serious issue because socio-cultural aspects influence it and surely the government has to make a parallel policy that can accommodate the people needs, not only prioritize the national development agenda. ; Food security is still becoming a crucial issue in developing countries nowadays, either in urban or rural areas. There are many factors triggered this condition, such as the increase in population pressure and conflict, privatization and changing tenure arrangements, poverty, social differentiation and also environmental degradation. It's undeniable that food security is a multidimensional problem, especially for people who lived in rural or isolated areas. In Mentawai Islands, a district located in the western part of Indonesia, the indigenous people depend on forest product (sago) as their main source of food. However, since 2012, the government has destroyed their food culture by establishing the 'National Food Security Improvement Program' and conducting the agricultural intensification as well as establishing 600 hectares of new rice fields in six sub - districts; South Pagai, North Pagai, Sikakap, South Sipora, North Sipora, and South Siberut. This study is conducted comprehensively using the Food Security and Vulnerability Analysis (FSVA) to understand and describe the exact profiles of food-insecurities and vulnerable households. Furthermore, it also identified the risks and vulnerabilities of food consumption in Mentawai communities. Findings depict that shifting or transforming the food culture from sago to rice is a serious issue because socio-cultural aspects influence it and surely the government has to make a parallel policy that can accommodate the people needs, not only prioritize the national development agenda.

학위논문 (석사)-- 서울대학교 대학원 : 정치학과, 2012. 2. 신종갑. ; This paper aims to examine the alliance policy of Roh Moo-Hyun (Roh) government by focusing on its strategic flexibility and missile defense. More specifically, this paper argues that Roh government's dependency on the United States is the main variable that describes Roh government's alliance policy. The Bush administration realized the uncertainty of threat and the vulnerability of its homeland security following the September 11 attacks in 2001. The new military security strategy appeared to be coping with the changed international security environment and have maintained the United States' unipolarity. The core of the military security strategy was the war on terrorism and military transformation, and the United States was preparing to consolidate its alliances and partnerships in order to implement these strategies effectively. The United States emphasized Global Defense Posture Review (GPR) and Missile Defense, and demanded the cooperation of its allies. The United States' demands brought about the alliance security dilemma to the Republic of Korea (ROK), a weaker state in the asymmetric alliance. Cooperation with the United States could cause the ROK to become unintentionally involved in the northeast asia conflict and Peninsula conflict, while noncooperation could cause abandonment from the United States in facing the threat of North Korea. In the alliance security dilemma, Roh government gave an opposite decision, that is, the agreement of strategic flexibility and the decision not to participate in missile defense. In the case of strategic flexibility, Roh government recognized that South Korea was superior to North Korea in terms of conventional power. But what Roh government ultimately pursued was not the power to win the war, but the power to deter the war (deterrence). North Korea, as a result of its aggressive military strategies and its strengthening military power, could cause immense damage to South Korea by launching a sudden attack on South Korea. The participatory government judged that South Korea was not equipped for deterrence to prevent North Korea's sudden attack alone. The United States Forces Korea (USFK)'s fighting power (especially counterfire warfare power, intelligence capabilities) contributed to South Korea's deterrence against North Korea immensely, and South Korea realized that it would be difficult to replace USFK's fighting power within a short period of time. A combination of the degree of threat South Korea faced from North Korea, the extent to which the United States could contribute to deterrence and defense against the threat of North Korea, and the limited availability and high cost of alternative means of meeting the threat made Roh government more dependent on the United States. A high degree of alliance dependency led Roh government to perceive the fear of abandonment by the United States as greater than the fear of being involved in unwanted conflicts; accordingly, Roh government agreed to the strategic flexibility of USFK in order to decrease the possibility of abandonment by the United States. In the case of missile defense, Roh government perceived North Korea's weapons of mass destruction as weapons for the purpose of maintaining its regime or having leverage during negotiations rather than for threatening South Korea. Therefore, Roh government sought a peaceful resolution through dialogue. In addition, a missile defense system asked by the United States would not be reliable enough to be suitable for deployment, and was not suitable for the geography of the South Korean peninsula. The perception of a low level of threat and the small amount of security contributions made by the United States to protect South Korea against North Korea's weapons of mass destruction led Roh government to become less dependent on United States' security umbrella. A low degree of alliance dependency led Roh government to perceive the fear of abandonment from the United States as less than the fear of being involved in unwanted conflicts; accordingly, Roh government decided not to participate in a missile defense system in order to decrease its possibility of entrapment. However, in October 2006, North Korea's nuclear testing led Roh government to perceive North Korea's weapons of mass destruction as a 'serious threat'. Therefore, Roh government needed to protect South Korea against North Korea's weapons of mass destruction and then officially declared the need to construct the Korea Missile&Air Defense (KAMD). This paper concluded that a combination of Roh government's threat perception and United States' security contributions had a decisive effect on the decision of USFK's strategic flexibility and missile defense. In other words, while a low level of United States dependency led Roh government to present a strong level of commitment to the United States, a high level of dependency on the United States led Roh government to present a weak level of commitment to the United States. This conclusion shows that asymmetry between allies within an asymmetric alliance differs depending on the case; it also suggests that studies on the ROK-US alliance should overcome limitations of claims that weak states have no choice but to accept strong states' demands. ; 본 논문은 참여정부의 동맹정책을 전략적 유연성과 미사일방어체제 결정사례를 중심으로 살펴보는 것을 목적으로 한다. 보다 구체적으로 주한미군의 전략적 유연성 합의와 미사일방어체제 불참 결정을 비교분석함으로써 참여정부의 동맹정책을 설명하는 주요 변수가 참여정부의 미국 의존성이라는 점을 주장하고자 한다. 부시 행정부는 2001년에 발생한 9․11테러를 계기로 위협의 불확실성과 본토안보의 취약성을 인식하였다. 변화된 국제안보환경에 대응하고 미국 중심의 단극질서 유지를 위해 나타난 것이 새로운 군사안보전략이었다. 군사안보전략의 핵심은 테러와의 전쟁과 군사 변혁(Military Transformation)이었다. 그리고 미국은 전략의 효과적인 수행을 위해 동맹 및 파트너십의 강화를 도모하였다. 미국은 군사안보전략의 구체적 실천에 있어 미국의 전 세계 군사태세의 변화를 의미하는 해외주둔미군재배치계획과 새로운 능력의 구축이자 전쟁수행방식의 변화를 의미하는 미사일방어체제를 강조하였으며, 동맹국에 동참을 요구하였다. 미국의 동참 요구는 비대칭동맹인 한미동맹 내에서 약소동맹국인 한국에 동맹의 안보딜레마를 야기하였다. 각 쟁점에의 협력은 한국이 동북아 분쟁 및 한반도 분쟁에 의도치 않게 개입되는 상황을 야기하는 반면, 미국에 대한 비협조는 북한의 위협에 대한 미국으로부터의 방기를 야기하는 것이었다. 참여정부는 연루와 방기의 딜레마에 직면하여 주한미군의 전략적 유연성 합의와 미사일방어체제 불참이라는 상반된 결정을 내렸다. 전략적 유연성의 경우, 참여정부는 재래식 전력에서 한국이 북한보다 우위에 있다고 인식하였다. 하지만 참여정부가 궁극적으로 지향하는 바는 전쟁에서 승리할 수 있는 전력이 아니라 전쟁 자체를 예방하는 전쟁억제력이었다. 북한의 공세적인 군사전략과 군사력 증강은 북한이 기습적으로 공격을 가해 한국에 막대한 피해를 야기할 수 있었다. 참여정부는 북한의 기습적인 공격을 예방하기 위한 전쟁 억제력을 한국 단독으로 갖추고 있지 않다고 판단하였다. 주한미군이 갖추고 있던 전력, 특히 대화력전 능력과 정보력이 한국의 대북억제력에 지대한 기여를 하였으며, 한국이 이를 단시간 내에 대체하기는 어렵다고 보았다. 북한 위협에 대한 인식과 미국의 안보기여에 대한 고려는 참여정부로 하여금 안보획득을 위해 미국에 보다 의존적이 되도록 하였다. 높은 의존성은 원치 않는 분쟁에 연루되는 위험보다 미국으로부터 버림받는 위험을 더 크게 인식하도록 하였으며, 이에 따라 참여정부는 방기의 위험을 줄이기 위해 미국에 강한 공약, 즉 전략적 유연성 합의를 결정하였다. 미사일방어체제의 경우, 참여정부는 2006년 북핵 실험 이전에는 북한의 대량살상무기를 한국에 대한 위협용이라기보다는 체제 유지용 혹은 협상용으로 인식하였다. 따라서 대화를 통한 평화적 해결을 모색하였다. 그리고 북한의 대량살상무기를 방어하기 위해 요구된 미사일방어체제는 운용 신뢰성이 배치에 부합할 만큼 높지 않았으며, 군사분계선과 서울과의 인접성과 협소한 면적을 특징으로 하는 한반도 지형에는 적합하지 않는 체계였다. 북한의 대량살상무기에 대한 낮은 위협인식과 낮은 미국의 안보기여는 참여정부로 하여금 미국의 안보우산에 덜 의존적이 되도록 하였다. 낮은 의존성은 미국으로부터 방기되는 위험보다 원치 않는 분쟁에 연루되는 위험을 더 크게 인식하도록 하였으며, 이에 따라 참여정부는 연루의 위험을 최소화하기 위해 미국에 약한 공약 즉 미사일방어체제 불참을 공식화하였다. 하지만 2006년의 북핵 실험은 참여정부가 북한의 대량살상무기를 '심각한 위협'으로 받아들이게 하였다. 이는 북한의 대량살상무기 공격으로부터 한국을 보호할 필요성을 야기하였으며, 그 결과는 한국형 미사일방어체제의 공식적 구축이었다. 본 논문은 주한미군의 전략적 유연성 합의와 미사일방어체제 불참 결정에는 참여정부의 위협인식과 미국의 안보기여가 결합된 미국 의존도가 핵심적으로 영향을 미쳤음을 밝혔다. 미국 의존도가 낮을 경우 참여정부는 연루의 위험을 줄이기 위해 약한 공약을 제시하고, 반면 의존도가 높을 경우 방기의 위험을 줄이기 위해 강한 공약을 제시하였던 것이다. 이는 비대칭 내 동맹국들 간의 비대칭성이 쟁점별로 다를 수 있으며, 한미동맹에 대한 연구들이 약소국은 강대국의 요구를 수용할 수밖에 없다는 주장의 한계에서 벗어나야함을 보여준다. ; Master

In 1942, proletarian writer, Takeda Rintarō, was sent from Japan to the Dutch East-Indies (Indonesia) as part of the Sendenbu (propaganda squad), where he led the literature section in the Keimin Bunka Shidōshō (cultural center) in Jakarta. Jawa sarasa documents Takeda Rintaro's activities and cultural experiences in Java, Indonesia, after he returned to Japan in 1944. Most Japanese literature and cultural writings about Nanyō or Nanpō ("South Islands" - South Asia and the Pacific, including Indonesia) from this era reference the concept of Imperialism in Asia. In the pre-war period, stereotypes such as dojin (local primitive) and tōmin (islander) defined South Island people as being lesser than or "other" than the Japanese people. Japanese literary depictions of tropical Eden's and exotic "uncivilized people" reflect similar perceptions and writings by Western authors towards Asia in the 19th century. This paper explores Takeda Rintarō's perspectives of "otherness" in prewar discourses about Indonesia. Through the influence of "The Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere" propaganda concept, the ideology of "sameness" was becoming a hegemonic cultural idea in Takeda's writings about Indonesia. Conversely, however, Takeda's depiction of the double-occupation of Java, with the political rule of Holland and economic domination of daily life by Chinese immigrants, implied criticism of Japan's administrative policies regarding economic exploitation in Java. Takeda's criticisms of Japanese policy are bedded in his emotion for the nature, culture and people of Indonesia.

This paper describes the ineffectiveness of South Korea's confidence-building measures towards North Korea during the reign of Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun through the sunshine policy. The previous studies on the sunshine policy only discussed the efforts made by the South Korean government through the sunshine policy and America's influence on the implementation in general. The studies are divided into three major categories namely: domestic politics, political economy, and regional studies, but none has discussed the causes of the ineffectiveness of the sunshine policy. By using confidence-building measures as an analytical framework, this paper will explain the variables in confidence-building measures that cause sunshine policies to be ineffective. The main argument of this paper is that there are 2 factors that cause the sunshine policy to be ineffective, namely the influence of America and the absence of political will from North Korea to achieve the goal of confidence-building measures through sunshine policy.