Hegemony and Resistance. Contesting Identities in South Africa
In: Rivista di studi politici internazionali: RSPI, Band 68, Heft 1, S. 135
ISSN: 0035-6611
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In: Rivista di studi politici internazionali: RSPI, Band 68, Heft 1, S. 135
ISSN: 0035-6611
In: Italian Political Science Review: Rivista italiana di scienza politica, Band 42, Heft 2, S. 307-309
ISSN: 0048-8402
Adapted from the source document.
In: Affari esteri: rivista trimestrale, Band 8, S. 655-683
ISSN: 0001-964X
In: Affari esteri: rivista trimestrale, Band 8, S. 491-511
ISSN: 0001-964X
In: Politica internazionale: rivista bimestrale dell'IPALMO, Band 22, S. 74-89
ISSN: 0032-3101
Examines the democratic transition and consolidation process in South Africa; the Apr. 1994 multi-racial elections, regional economic integration, politics in southern Africa, constitutional revision, and other issues; 6 articles. Summaries in English p. 290-2.
In: Politica del diritto, Band 14, Heft 3, S. 523-534
ISSN: 0032-3063
In: Italian Political Science Review: Rivista italiana di scienza politica, Band 37, Heft 2, S. 175-206
ISSN: 0048-8402
In: Il politico: rivista italiana di scienze politiche ; rivista quardrimestrale, Band 45, Heft 1, S. 131-150
ISSN: 0032-325X
Summary in English.
In: Italian Political Science Review: Rivista italiana di scienza politica, Band 33, Heft 1, S. 71-112
ISSN: 0048-8402
The article analyzes the debate on "racial" or "ethnic voting" in postapartheid South Africa, looking at its implications for democratic theory. A critical review is offered of "sociological" (culture- & class-based) as well as "psychological" & political communication explanations for the unexpected tendency of the 'coloured' voters in the Cape area to "betray" the African National Congress & line up with the white electorate after 1993. An alternative explanation is also offered that seeks to combine elements from the theory of cleavages, class voting theory, & the Downsian theory of elections. It is based on the application of some recent developments of European & American rational choice sociology to the genesis of voting preferences, as well as on the concept of language repertoire & central place theory. Finally, some possible adjustments to the liberal democratic model in contexts marked by economic, language, culture, & geographic differentials are recommended from within the theoretical framework of the neo-contractarian views of democracy. 8 Tables, 2 Figures, 72 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Affari esteri: rivista trimestrale, Band 27, S. 187-198
ISSN: 0001-964X
In: Il politico: rivista italiana di scienze politiche ; rivista quardrimestrale, Band 76, Heft 3, S. 246-266
ISSN: 0032-325X
Historically the Mediterranean has been crossed by civilizations, peoples and goods which interacted, not always peacefully, respecting pluralism and mutual acknowledgment. The colonial expansion was a rupture which introduced the European hegemony all over the basin denying the "other". France and Italy were the most relevant beneficiaries. Italian colonialism started in the Red Sea and founded the Empire in the Horn but landed in the Northern Africa with Libya's conquest in 1911-12. Not even decolonization, with the access to independence of the colonial possessions after the Second World War, entirely filled the gap between North and South opened by colonialism as such because of the asymmetry at the level of power and the economic and commercial dependence. Italy pursued its international alliances in a perspective focussed on the Atlantic Ocean. Despite the Cold War strains Rome tried to save a good neighbouring with the Arab states. Europe has its border -- as a place where the diverse actors meet -- in the Mediterranean. However, the united Europe failed in all the attempts to bring about a real cooperation with the South shore. The Euro-Mediterranean partnership setup in 1995 did not survive the evaluation Conference ten years later. Is the cooperation season over? Italy too has been involved in the coalition that waged a war to accelerate the collapse of Qadhafi's regime under attack from an internal upsurge covering the will of France to reaffirm a post-colonial influence after the liberty wave (Arab Spring) that is going to change the profile of North Africa. Adapted from the source document.
In: Affari esteri: rivista trimestrale, Band 11, S. 213-224
ISSN: 0001-964X
In: Stato e mercato, Heft 2, S. 229-253
ISSN: 0392-9701
In: Est-ovest: rivista di studi sull'integrazione europea, Band 30, Heft 1, S. 5-54
ISSN: 0046-256X
Goruppi, W.: Cechia. S. 5-9. Hamende, B.: Polonia. S. 9-14. Goruppi, W.: Slovacchia. S. 14-18. Lachi, M.: Slovenia. S. 18-23. Campobasso, C.: Ungheria. S. 23-28. Goruppi, W.: Romania. S. 28-31. Campobasso, C.: Bulgaria. S. 31-36. Campobasso, C.: Albania. S. 36-42. Lachi, M.: Croazia. S. 43-46. Lachi, M.: Repubblica Federale Iugoslava. S. 47-50. Lachi, M.: Macedonia. S. 50-54
World Affairs Online
In: Il politico: rivista italiana di scienze politiche ; rivista quardrimestrale, Band 75, Heft 3, S. 136-153
ISSN: 0032-325X
Ethiopia has been ever the icon of sovereignty for Africa and the blacks of the whole world. The process of formation of modern statehood paved the way to a born-again state reinforcing the central authority and absorbing the proto-states of the southern regions. The territorial expansion undertaken by Menelik in the last decades of XIX century encompassed into a multination Empire peoples and nations who didn't share the same values, religions and languages with the dominating stock. Hence, the image of a an alien occupation in order to exploit the work of the groups out of power and often deprived of the lands. Actually the Christian elites dwelling the highlands, the so-called Abyssinians, treated the "indigenous" peoples, especially of the south, with arrogance and paternalism as backward and pagan ones. Besides, tension between Islam and Christianity was a permanent factor in the history of Ethiopia. The oppression has been more visible as far as the eastern frontier, which has been garrisoned employing force instead of flexibility and assimilation. In such a context a special issue of contention has been the role of Amhara, who according to some historical versions and in the grievances of the communities put in a subject or servile condition were responsible to exercise an hegemony in their exclusive advantage. The Amhara themselves deny to be an ethnic group and pretend to be actually the true Ethiopian nationals. Amhara can be seen rather as a metaphor for power whereas Oromo (Galla in the Italian colonial sources) is a metaphor for the relative lack of it. Any way, it should be a mistake to draw analogy with European colonialism even at the level of stereotype. Adapted from the source document.