Suchergebnisse

Although most of the newly established democratic regimes in Africa did not have prerequisites for survival, Freedom House counts several long-lasting democracies in this region. Different theoretical approaches emphasize different reasons for the survival of democracy. The requirements most often applied in the context of fully established democratic regimes consist of the following elements of consolidated democracy: free and lively civil society, relatively autonomous political society, the rule of law, the existence of state bureaucracy, institutionalized economic society. However the survival of democracy does not necessarily require all the elements of consolidated democracy, although it may require some other than these conditions being present. Therefore a question can be raised about the reasons (or a set of them) guaranteeing the survival and consolidation of democracy in African countries. This thesis analyzes and compares the existing democratic practice in African countries and attempts to identify factors that guarantee the survival of democracy. The following tasks were implemented in order to achieve this goal. First, different theories highlighting factors influencing democratic consolidation were analyzed. Then several variables related to politics, economy, culture, external factors and regime support were measured and compared using the Boolean algebra method. The results obtained show the following important implications and let us make the following considerations about the democratic regimes in Sub-Saharan Africa. First of all, the results of the Boolean comparative analysis show that, for democracy to survive in the countries examined, a set of two favorable factors is necessary. There must be favorable political and economical conditions for democracy to persist. The political factors include first of all the strength of the state (or stateness). Other political factors examined, that is, parliamentarism and the British colonial legacy, are not necessary for democracy to survive. The strength of the state must include accountability and political stability with an absence of violence. Accountability must be present for democracy to persist in any case. However if the second condition – political stability – has a lower level, the democracy might still exist if supported by a set of other necessary conditions. In this case, all the other elements of stateness must be present, as well as some conditions of a different base, such as economic factors. The economic conditions necessary for democracy include high GDP per person and high literacy level. In case these are absent, low Gini index in combination with conditions of a different type might be sufficient for a democratic regime to survive. Last but not least, a democratic regime must be supported by an absolute majority of society, otherwise there should be Christianity and democratic neighbours present. This consideration however still needs to be verified by additional research. The results obtained give important considerations allowing to make forecasts about newly established democracies in Africa. They let us draw a conclusion that the only newly established democracy which should continue to follow the democratic road is Ghana. The other two – Lesotho and Senegal – are somewhat in an uncertain position. The results also show the importance of complex and multi-dimensional research in attempts to find the reasons for the survival of democracy in Africa. It is obvious that the reasons for a long-lasting democracy in Africa are interrelated.

Although most of the newly established democratic regimes in Africa did not have prerequisites for survival, Freedom House counts several long-lasting democracies in this region. Different theoretical approaches emphasize different reasons for the survival of democracy. The requirements most often applied in the context of fully established democratic regimes consist of the following elements of consolidated democracy: free and lively civil society, relatively autonomous political society, the rule of law, the existence of state bureaucracy, institutionalized economic society. However the survival of democracy does not necessarily require all the elements of consolidated democracy, although it may require some other than these conditions being present. Therefore a question can be raised about the reasons (or a set of them) guaranteeing the survival and consolidation of democracy in African countries. This thesis analyzes and compares the existing democratic practice in African countries and attempts to identify factors that guarantee the survival of democracy. The following tasks were implemented in order to achieve this goal. First, different theories highlighting factors influencing democratic consolidation were analyzed. Then several variables related to politics, economy, culture, external factors and regime support were measured and compared using the Boolean algebra method. The results obtained show the following important implications and let us make the following considerations about the democratic regimes in Sub-Saharan Africa. First of all, the results of the Boolean comparative analysis show that, for democracy to survive in the countries examined, a set of two favorable factors is necessary. There must be favorable political and economical conditions for democracy to persist. The political factors include first of all the strength of the state (or stateness). Other political factors examined, that is, parliamentarism and the British colonial legacy, are not necessary for democracy to survive. The strength of the state must include accountability and political stability with an absence of violence. Accountability must be present for democracy to persist in any case. However if the second condition – political stability – has a lower level, the democracy might still exist if supported by a set of other necessary conditions. In this case, all the other elements of stateness must be present, as well as some conditions of a different base, such as economic factors. The economic conditions necessary for democracy include high GDP per person and high literacy level. In case these are absent, low Gini index in combination with conditions of a different type might be sufficient for a democratic regime to survive. Last but not least, a democratic regime must be supported by an absolute majority of society, otherwise there should be Christianity and democratic neighbours present. This consideration however still needs to be verified by additional research. The results obtained give important considerations allowing to make forecasts about newly established democracies in Africa. They let us draw a conclusion that the only newly established democracy which should continue to follow the democratic road is Ghana. The other two – Lesotho and Senegal – are somewhat in an uncertain position. The results also show the importance of complex and multi-dimensional research in attempts to find the reasons for the survival of democracy in Africa. It is obvious that the reasons for a long-lasting democracy in Africa are interrelated.

This Master's degree thesis analyses the generational cleavage present in the South Korean electorate, according to the results of the 18th presidential election that took place in December 2012. The focus of the thesis is on the changes of political ideologies and the generational change within the past decade, since the shift within electorate's political orientations has exposed the slowly emerging generational cleavage. The object of the thesis is to find out whether there really is a generational cleavage within the Korean electorate and if so, what are the main reasons behind it. The object is being pursued by using descriptive analysis of primary and secondary sources and an in-depth interview with open questions.

The main purpose of master's final thesis is to analyze the Transcaucasian separatist conflicts in Nagorno Karabach, Abkhazia and South Ossetia, searching effective ways of their resolution and forecasting the possible future development of these conflicts. The object of this analysis is the factor of Russian influence to these separatist conflicts since their origin till current situation and possible scenario of their resolution. It is making an attempt to settle the direct connection between Transcaucasian separatist conflicts and Russian foreign policy actions in the analysis. It is analyzing military and peaceful ways of separatist conflicts perspective resolution, analyzing separatist conflicts of very close character, such as Kosovo and Ajara, detecting those similarities, which may be successfully adopted to the Transcaucasian separatist conflicts. The clear Russian influence on the creation and development of the separatist conflicts helped to formulate the main hypotheses of this analysis, asserting that post-soviet Transcaucasian separatist conflicts were directly inspired by the Russian policy and their effective resolution is not possible without direct Russian participation. After analysis it could be affirmed that national interests of Russian Federation is not conformed to the creation of the zone of stability in the Transcaucasian region, because Russian participation in the separatist conflicts creates convenient conditions of manipulation of Georgian and Azerbaijani foreign and home policy containing their integration to the western structures. The direct way to the successful resolution of the Transcaucasian conflicts directly goes trough wide compromises to the separatist states guarantee large autonomy or quasi-independent status, because the separatist states are not ready to refuse those freedoms, which they won after bloody conflicts with Georgia and Azerbaijan. But, unfortunately, the current situation in these countries is not favorable to the compromises and effective resolution of these problems. The master's final thesis consists from the four chapters. In a first one there are presented the main causes of the conflict. The second chapter evaluates the factor of Russian influence and the other chapters of the master's final thesis present the analysis of various ways of the successful resolution of the separatist conflicts in Nagorno Karabach, Abkhazia and South Ossetia.

The main purpose of master's final thesis is to analyze the Transcaucasian separatist conflicts in Nagorno Karabach, Abkhazia and South Ossetia, searching effective ways of their resolution and forecasting the possible future development of these conflicts. The object of this analysis is the factor of Russian influence to these separatist conflicts since their origin till current situation and possible scenario of their resolution. It is making an attempt to settle the direct connection between Transcaucasian separatist conflicts and Russian foreign policy actions in the analysis. It is analyzing military and peaceful ways of separatist conflicts perspective resolution, analyzing separatist conflicts of very close character, such as Kosovo and Ajara, detecting those similarities, which may be successfully adopted to the Transcaucasian separatist conflicts. The clear Russian influence on the creation and development of the separatist conflicts helped to formulate the main hypotheses of this analysis, asserting that post-soviet Transcaucasian separatist conflicts were directly inspired by the Russian policy and their effective resolution is not possible without direct Russian participation. After analysis it could be affirmed that national interests of Russian Federation is not conformed to the creation of the zone of stability in the Transcaucasian region, because Russian participation in the separatist conflicts creates convenient conditions of manipulation of Georgian and Azerbaijani foreign and home policy containing their integration to the western structures. The direct way to the successful resolution of the Transcaucasian conflicts directly goes trough wide compromises to the separatist states guarantee large autonomy or quasi-independent status, because the separatist states are not ready to refuse those freedoms, which they won after bloody conflicts with Georgia and Azerbaijan. But, unfortunately, the current situation in these countries is not favorable to the compromises and effective resolution of these problems. The master's final thesis consists from the four chapters. In a first one there are presented the main causes of the conflict. The second chapter evaluates the factor of Russian influence and the other chapters of the master's final thesis present the analysis of various ways of the successful resolution of the separatist conflicts in Nagorno Karabach, Abkhazia and South Ossetia.

Although North and South Korea have been declaring the goal of uniting in official and public policies for several decades, the reunification has not taken place yet. In reality, the reunification of the states has not made much progress, though the goal of unification was expressed and declared by all of the leaders of the two countries since the split of Korea in 1948 till now. Therefore, the question arises as the problem of the Master's thesis - why the North-South Korean reunification does not occur if the goal of the unification is still supported and promoted in the public and official policy of both countries. The purpose of the work is to find out what obstacles arise for both Koreas to reunite. Object of the work - Korean unification opportunities and problems. The theoretical assumptions about the obstacles that prevent the achievement of the goal based on the theories of realism and constructivism. With reference to assumptions made, two hypotheses are formulated that the reunification has not proceeded due to both Koreas rational consideration about security, balance of power. Furthermore, the cause could be that ethnic identity is no longer seen the same for all Koreans. A two-part case study has been made. The first part of the study analyzes official North and South Korean leaders' policy on the issue of unification, what efforts have been made, what are the similarities, differences, and emerging problems between the concepts of each country are being determined. The second part of the study is on the public policy on unification. Having analyzed the official and public policy of Koreas it was found that the most important and crucial questions for North and South Korea are security, survival, as the states constantly faces a security dilemma. It forces them to examine what scenarios are the most relevant to them in the official policy and what kind of rhetoric is beneficial to choose in public policy. As a result, both countries are proposing their own unifying formulas, which lack common points and are fundamentally different. Moreover, the fact that North and South Korea keep offering formulas with little change in content, show that the declared goal of peaceful union is not sincere. Thus, in reality, North Korea would like to communize South Korea, while South Korea would have hoped for a regime collapse and unification through absorption scenario. Nevertheless, both Koreas in reality have bigger intentions than just to reunite. North Korea seeks to maintain the status quo of its state and regime by reducing the threat posed to it by the presence of US troops and forces on the peninsula. South Korea wishes to maximize its security by reaching North Korea's nuclear disarmament. However, this premise is lacking in explanation as to why the idea of maintaining the reunification discourse is based on the achievement of these goals. Having analyzed the official and public content it was also revealed that the national identity is no longer seen as a general only partially. In political rhetoric, the common ethnic identity is presented as one of the main arguments for unification, which is constantly emphasized. But at the same time, studies have shown that fewer South Korean citizens see that the North Koreans are the same identity, and South Korea has faced a new phenomenon in the last decade - South Korean nationalism. As a result, it can be assumed that at least in South Korea the disappearance of ethnic identity is a common cause and serious challenge to unification. After all, the Master thesis revealed that North and South Korea rhetoric in public speeches and official policy documents are different from political reality, and the declared desire to reunite, in fact, only serve to achieve other goals. For these reasons, both Koreas lack an internal interest in achieving a reunification unless it is executed in each imaginable scenario.

Although North and South Korea have been declaring the goal of uniting in official and public policies for several decades, the reunification has not taken place yet. In reality, the reunification of the states has not made much progress, though the goal of unification was expressed and declared by all of the leaders of the two countries since the split of Korea in 1948 till now. Therefore, the question arises as the problem of the Master's thesis - why the North-South Korean reunification does not occur if the goal of the unification is still supported and promoted in the public and official policy of both countries. The purpose of the work is to find out what obstacles arise for both Koreas to reunite. Object of the work - Korean unification opportunities and problems. The theoretical assumptions about the obstacles that prevent the achievement of the goal based on the theories of realism and constructivism. With reference to assumptions made, two hypotheses are formulated that the reunification has not proceeded due to both Koreas rational consideration about security, balance of power. Furthermore, the cause could be that ethnic identity is no longer seen the same for all Koreans. A two-part case study has been made. The first part of the study analyzes official North and South Korean leaders' policy on the issue of unification, what efforts have been made, what are the similarities, differences, and emerging problems between the concepts of each country are being determined. The second part of the study is on the public policy on unification. Having analyzed the official and public policy of Koreas it was found that the most important and crucial questions for North and South Korea are security, survival, as the states constantly faces a security dilemma. It forces them to examine what scenarios are the most relevant to them in the official policy and what kind of rhetoric is beneficial to choose in public policy. As a result, both countries are proposing their own unifying formulas, which lack common points and are fundamentally different. Moreover, the fact that North and South Korea keep offering formulas with little change in content, show that the declared goal of peaceful union is not sincere. Thus, in reality, North Korea would like to communize South Korea, while South Korea would have hoped for a regime collapse and unification through absorption scenario. Nevertheless, both Koreas in reality have bigger intentions than just to reunite. North Korea seeks to maintain the status quo of its state and regime by reducing the threat posed to it by the presence of US troops and forces on the peninsula. South Korea wishes to maximize its security by reaching North Korea's nuclear disarmament. However, this premise is lacking in explanation as to why the idea of maintaining the reunification discourse is based on the achievement of these goals. Having analyzed the official and public content it was also revealed that the national identity is no longer seen as a general only partially. In political rhetoric, the common ethnic identity is presented as one of the main arguments for unification, which is constantly emphasized. But at the same time, studies have shown that fewer South Korean citizens see that the North Koreans are the same identity, and South Korea has faced a new phenomenon in the last decade - South Korean nationalism. As a result, it can be assumed that at least in South Korea the disappearance of ethnic identity is a common cause and serious challenge to unification. After all, the Master thesis revealed that North and South Korea rhetoric in public speeches and official policy documents are different from political reality, and the declared desire to reunite, in fact, only serve to achieve other goals. For these reasons, both Koreas lack an internal interest in achieving a reunification unless it is executed in each imaginable scenario.

Although North and South Korea have been declaring the goal of uniting in official and public policies for several decades, the reunification has not taken place yet. In reality, the reunification of the states has not made much progress, though the goal of unification was expressed and declared by all of the leaders of the two countries since the split of Korea in 1948 till now. Therefore, the question arises as the problem of the Master's thesis - why the North-South Korean reunification does not occur if the goal of the unification is still supported and promoted in the public and official policy of both countries. The purpose of the work is to find out what obstacles arise for both Koreas to reunite. Object of the work - Korean unification opportunities and problems. The theoretical assumptions about the obstacles that prevent the achievement of the goal based on the theories of realism and constructivism. With reference to assumptions made, two hypotheses are formulated that the reunification has not proceeded due to both Koreas rational consideration about security, balance of power. Furthermore, the cause could be that ethnic identity is no longer seen the same for all Koreans. A two-part case study has been made. The first part of the study analyzes official North and South Korean leaders' policy on the issue of unification, what efforts have been made, what are the similarities, differences, and emerging problems between the concepts of each country are being determined. The second part of the study is on the public policy on unification. Having analyzed the official and public policy of Koreas it was found that the most important and crucial questions for North and South Korea are security, survival, as the states constantly faces a security dilemma. It forces them to examine what scenarios are the most relevant to them in the official policy and what kind of rhetoric is beneficial to choose in public policy. As a result, both countries are proposing their own unifying formulas, which lack common points and are fundamentally different. Moreover, the fact that North and South Korea keep offering formulas with little change in content, show that the declared goal of peaceful union is not sincere. Thus, in reality, North Korea would like to communize South Korea, while South Korea would have hoped for a regime collapse and unification through absorption scenario. Nevertheless, both Koreas in reality have bigger intentions than just to reunite. North Korea seeks to maintain the status quo of its state and regime by reducing the threat posed to it by the presence of US troops and forces on the peninsula. South Korea wishes to maximize its security by reaching North Korea's nuclear disarmament. However, this premise is lacking in explanation as to why the idea of maintaining the reunification discourse is based on the achievement of these goals. Having analyzed the official and public content it was also revealed that the national identity is no longer seen as a general only partially. In political rhetoric, the common ethnic identity is presented as one of the main arguments for unification, which is constantly emphasized. But at the same time, studies have shown that fewer South Korean citizens see that the North Koreans are the same identity, and South Korea has faced a new phenomenon in the last decade - South Korean nationalism. As a result, it can be assumed that at least in South Korea the disappearance of ethnic identity is a common cause and serious challenge to unification. After all, the Master thesis revealed that North and South Korea rhetoric in public speeches and official policy documents are different from political reality, and the declared desire to reunite, in fact, only serve to achieve other goals. For these reasons, both Koreas lack an internal interest in achieving a reunification unless it is executed in each imaginable scenario.

Although North and South Korea have been declaring the goal of uniting in official and public policies for several decades, the reunification has not taken place yet. In reality, the reunification of the states has not made much progress, though the goal of unification was expressed and declared by all of the leaders of the two countries since the split of Korea in 1948 till now. Therefore, the question arises as the problem of the Master's thesis - why the North-South Korean reunification does not occur if the goal of the unification is still supported and promoted in the public and official policy of both countries. The purpose of the work is to find out what obstacles arise for both Koreas to reunite. Object of the work - Korean unification opportunities and problems. The theoretical assumptions about the obstacles that prevent the achievement of the goal based on the theories of realism and constructivism. With reference to assumptions made, two hypotheses are formulated that the reunification has not proceeded due to both Koreas rational consideration about security, balance of power. Furthermore, the cause could be that ethnic identity is no longer seen the same for all Koreans. A two-part case study has been made. The first part of the study analyzes official North and South Korean leaders' policy on the issue of unification, what efforts have been made, what are the similarities, differences, and emerging problems between the concepts of each country are being determined. The second part of the study is on the public policy on unification. Having analyzed the official and public policy of Koreas it was found that the most important and crucial questions for North and South Korea are security, survival, as the states constantly faces a security dilemma. It forces them to examine what scenarios are the most relevant to them in the official policy and what kind of rhetoric is beneficial to choose in public policy. As a result, both countries are proposing their own unifying formulas, which lack common points and are fundamentally different. Moreover, the fact that North and South Korea keep offering formulas with little change in content, show that the declared goal of peaceful union is not sincere. Thus, in reality, North Korea would like to communize South Korea, while South Korea would have hoped for a regime collapse and unification through absorption scenario. Nevertheless, both Koreas in reality have bigger intentions than just to reunite. North Korea seeks to maintain the status quo of its state and regime by reducing the threat posed to it by the presence of US troops and forces on the peninsula. South Korea wishes to maximize its security by reaching North Korea's nuclear disarmament. However, this premise is lacking in explanation as to why the idea of maintaining the reunification discourse is based on the achievement of these goals. Having analyzed the official and public content it was also revealed that the national identity is no longer seen as a general only partially. In political rhetoric, the common ethnic identity is presented as one of the main arguments for unification, which is constantly emphasized. But at the same time, studies have shown that fewer South Korean citizens see that the North Koreans are the same identity, and South Korea has faced a new phenomenon in the last decade - South Korean nationalism. As a result, it can be assumed that at least in South Korea the disappearance of ethnic identity is a common cause and serious challenge to unification. After all, the Master thesis revealed that North and South Korea rhetoric in public speeches and official policy documents are different from political reality, and the declared desire to reunite, in fact, only serve to achieve other goals. For these reasons, both Koreas lack an internal interest in achieving a reunification unless it is executed in each imaginable scenario.

The question of small states in the academic literature is still treated as marginal, analyzing international relations as a "game of great powers". But the fact, that majority of states in contemporary international arena can be described as small, proves that analysis of behavior of small states is also important. Even though the security of small state is always in challenge, the number of small states in international arena is not decreasing, but even increasing. That means, that the problem of (in)security of small state is not irresolvable. Even though the question of security of small state is essential and tends to determine other aspects of behavior of small state in international arena, this issue was deeply analyzed only in 1950'-1970'. After the end of Cold War, the nature of international system have been modified in several aspects, and this also affected the question of the security of small state. Nevertheless international conjuncture sets several constrictions on the choices of security of small state, the final combination of choices belongs to the competence of the small state itself. This combination of choices is considered to be the model of security – the complex of long-term political choices in the sphere of foreign and security politics, being fixed in the strategic documents (Concept of national security, Strategy of national security, Strategy of foreign policy, Military strategy) and constantly appearing in political practice. If permanent political practice does not coincides with the principles, fixed in strategic documents, and then the principles, which are evident in political practice, are taken as a background of the model of security. The "model of security" is the original term, introduced in this paper. In literature the term "security policy" is used, but "security policy" emphasizes the partners of foreign policy, at the same time "the model of security" focuses attention on the type of relation between the state and its partners of foreign and security policy. In the period of Cold War small states, located in the intersection of interests of two superpowers, had only two opportunities: to joint one of them (to go to alliance) or not to join (to remain neutral). After the collapse of bipolar international system, one more model of security – complementarism - became possible. The main idea of complementarism can be described as the ability of small state to guarantee it's national security, relying not on one, but several "suppliers" of security. The main question of analysis was why small states, located in similar external conditions, tend to choose different models of security to maintain national security. The region of South Caucasus was chosen as an empirical case of analysis. Nevertheless states of South Caucasus are in maximum similar conditions, they choose different models of security to maintain national security: Georgia – alliance, Armenia – complementarism, Azerbaijan – neutrality. The results of analysis showed, that, in the case studied, two factors influence choice of the models of security: different type of threat to territorial integrity and different strategic resources of the country. The first factor determines the level of flexibility of the model of security – the more intensive the threat to territorial integrity is, the less flexible the model of security will be. The second factor influences the direction of the main vector (or vectors) in the model of security. It is worth to mention, that the results of analysis showed, that internal factors play a huge role in determining the model of security of the state. "Classical" theoretical insights stated that only external factors are those who determine choice of model of security of small state. As the analysis of case of the states of South Caucasus proved, the ignorance of the role of internal factors was one of the main missing points in the studies of security of small states.

The question of small states in the academic literature is still treated as marginal, analyzing international relations as a "game of great powers". But the fact, that majority of states in contemporary international arena can be described as small, proves that analysis of behavior of small states is also important. Even though the security of small state is always in challenge, the number of small states in international arena is not decreasing, but even increasing. That means, that the problem of (in)security of small state is not irresolvable. Even though the question of security of small state is essential and tends to determine other aspects of behavior of small state in international arena, this issue was deeply analyzed only in 1950'-1970'. After the end of Cold War, the nature of international system have been modified in several aspects, and this also affected the question of the security of small state. Nevertheless international conjuncture sets several constrictions on the choices of security of small state, the final combination of choices belongs to the competence of the small state itself. This combination of choices is considered to be the model of security – the complex of long-term political choices in the sphere of foreign and security politics, being fixed in the strategic documents (Concept of national security, Strategy of national security, Strategy of foreign policy, Military strategy) and constantly appearing in political practice. If permanent political practice does not coincides with the principles, fixed in strategic documents, and then the principles, which are evident in political practice, are taken as a background of the model of security. The "model of security" is the original term, introduced in this paper. In literature the term "security policy" is used, but "security policy" emphasizes the partners of foreign policy, at the same time "the model of security" focuses attention on the type of relation between the state and its partners of foreign and security policy. In the period of Cold War small states, located in the intersection of interests of two superpowers, had only two opportunities: to joint one of them (to go to alliance) or not to join (to remain neutral). After the collapse of bipolar international system, one more model of security – complementarism - became possible. The main idea of complementarism can be described as the ability of small state to guarantee it's national security, relying not on one, but several "suppliers" of security. The main question of analysis was why small states, located in similar external conditions, tend to choose different models of security to maintain national security. The region of South Caucasus was chosen as an empirical case of analysis. Nevertheless states of South Caucasus are in maximum similar conditions, they choose different models of security to maintain national security: Georgia – alliance, Armenia – complementarism, Azerbaijan – neutrality. The results of analysis showed, that, in the case studied, two factors influence choice of the models of security: different type of threat to territorial integrity and different strategic resources of the country. The first factor determines the level of flexibility of the model of security – the more intensive the threat to territorial integrity is, the less flexible the model of security will be. The second factor influences the direction of the main vector (or vectors) in the model of security. It is worth to mention, that the results of analysis showed, that internal factors play a huge role in determining the model of security of the state. "Classical" theoretical insights stated that only external factors are those who determine choice of model of security of small state. As the analysis of case of the states of South Caucasus proved, the ignorance of the role of internal factors was one of the main missing points in the studies of security of small states.

Within both academic environment and political circles internationally too much emphasis is placed on military and economic power and too little to soft power. While, according to Nye, out of the three modes of political power soft power has the greatest potential to deal with critical global issues and foster multilateral co-operation among states its application is usually severely restricted to co-ordination issues due to various preconceived positivistic assumptions on the part of both political scientists and political decision-makers. This descriptive-analytical MA thesis aims at re-interpreting and therefore extending the legitimacy of soft power by means of thoroughly analysing South Korea's soft power wielding experience. In order to achieve the objective above the paper sets itself the following tasks: (a) to provide a concise introduction into Nye's discourse on soft power; (b) to provide a concise historical overview of the development and spread of South Korea's popular culture; (c) to reveal the uniqueness of South Korea's soft power content; (d) to highlight the singularity of South Korea's soft power wielding strategies; (e) to practically apply South Korea's soft power wielding experience in terms of revising the existing soft power theory. The most thought-provoking aspects about South Korea's soft power wielding with special reference to South Korea's soft power content are the following: (a) as its crucial soft power resource South Korea chose the most universally denigrated and seemingly apolitical genre such as romance/drama and masterfully developed; (b) South Korea targeted one of the most universally marginalized and historically politically-inert societal stratum such as women and successfully empowered it by fostering interrogatory attitude towards the taken-for-granted societal imperatives and political regimes. The unprecedented success of the Korean Wave with regard to South Korea's soft power wielding strategies lies in the fact that South Korea's government never stifled but rather fostered and encouraged grassroots creativity by legally and financially supporting independent producers and independent production companies. Based on South Korea's soft power wielding experience and drawing much from Kim and Ni (2011), three trends of enhanced soft power theorizing/wielding can be discerned: (a) a shift from one-way flow of cultural influence to a two-way symmetrical approach to cultural exchange; (b) a shift from top-down (government-initiated) approach to bottom-up (individual-initiated) approach; (c) a shift in the role of the government from tight control to open acceptance and guidance.

The transformation process of political system occures in today's world, too. It can be illustrated by the Color or Flower Revolutions in post-communist states. During those revolutions the authoritarian political system is changed into democratic political system. The alternation of political system shows that society is not contented with present government which is realized as corrupt and repressive. Such political transformations occured in the South America in 1970s- 1980s. During this transformations the political system of the South American countries was changed into democratic ones. But those democratic systems are not very stable and credible in nowadays like democracys in the Europe because the South American countries have many internal problems like big poverty, unstable economical situation, criminality, government corruption and etc. In this work is analysed Argentina's and Brazil's political systems transformations and influence of international actors in transformation process. Till 1980s both countries were ruled by military juntas. The rule of military governments were not stable because there were disagreements inside military juntas how to rule the countries. The permanent alternation of governments was the main reason for unstable political system and for distrust of foreign countries in Argentina and Brazil. Futhermore, there were frequent economical crises, large-sized repressions. The authoritarian regimes collapsed when in the countries started mass protests against military juntas. Those protests were strongly supported by international actors like the human rights organizations, the United Nations, by the international financial institutions like the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. In Argentina very important were international political parties, too. The democratization processes was supported by the USA although her role was very ambiguous because in 1960s-1970s the USA supported authoritarian governments. The USA was afraid of the spread of socialism ideas in the South America. The political system change in Argentina and Brazil is linked with the third wave of democratization in the world especially after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The most important factors in the transformation processes of political systems in both countries were internal factors like disagreements inside military juntas, social movements which were strongly supported by international actors.

The transformation process of political system occures in today's world, too. It can be illustrated by the Color or Flower Revolutions in post-communist states. During those revolutions the authoritarian political system is changed into democratic political system. The alternation of political system shows that society is not contented with present government which is realized as corrupt and repressive. Such political transformations occured in the South America in 1970s- 1980s. During this transformations the political system of the South American countries was changed into democratic ones. But those democratic systems are not very stable and credible in nowadays like democracys in the Europe because the South American countries have many internal problems like big poverty, unstable economical situation, criminality, government corruption and etc. In this work is analysed Argentina's and Brazil's political systems transformations and influence of international actors in transformation process. Till 1980s both countries were ruled by military juntas. The rule of military governments were not stable because there were disagreements inside military juntas how to rule the countries. The permanent alternation of governments was the main reason for unstable political system and for distrust of foreign countries in Argentina and Brazil. Futhermore, there were frequent economical crises, large-sized repressions. The authoritarian regimes collapsed when in the countries started mass protests against military juntas. Those protests were strongly supported by international actors like the human rights organizations, the United Nations, by the international financial institutions like the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. In Argentina very important were international political parties, too. The democratization processes was supported by the USA although her role was very ambiguous because in 1960s-1970s the USA supported authoritarian governments. The USA was afraid of the spread of socialism ideas in the South America. The political system change in Argentina and Brazil is linked with the third wave of democratization in the world especially after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The most important factors in the transformation processes of political systems in both countries were internal factors like disagreements inside military juntas, social movements which were strongly supported by international actors.

The transformation process of political system occures in today's world, too. It can be illustrated by the Color or Flower Revolutions in post-communist states. During those revolutions the authoritarian political system is changed into democratic political system. The alternation of political system shows that society is not contented with present government which is realized as corrupt and repressive. Such political transformations occured in the South America in 1970s- 1980s. During this transformations the political system of the South American countries was changed into democratic ones. But those democratic systems are not very stable and credible in nowadays like democracys in the Europe because the South American countries have many internal problems like big poverty, unstable economical situation, criminality, government corruption and etc. In this work is analysed Argentina's and Brazil's political systems transformations and influence of international actors in transformation process. Till 1980s both countries were ruled by military juntas. The rule of military governments were not stable because there were disagreements inside military juntas how to rule the countries. The permanent alternation of governments was the main reason for unstable political system and for distrust of foreign countries in Argentina and Brazil. Futhermore, there were frequent economical crises, large-sized repressions. The authoritarian regimes collapsed when in the countries started mass protests against military juntas. Those protests were strongly supported by international actors like the human rights organizations, the United Nations, by the international financial institutions like the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. In Argentina very important were international political parties, too. The democratization processes was supported by the USA although her role was very ambiguous because in 1960s-1970s the USA supported authoritarian governments. The USA was afraid of the spread of socialism ideas in the South America. The political system change in Argentina and Brazil is linked with the third wave of democratization in the world especially after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The most important factors in the transformation processes of political systems in both countries were internal factors like disagreements inside military juntas, social movements which were strongly supported by international actors.