Zwei Artikel über Emigration und Immigration in Simbabwe und Mosambik. In Simbabwe sind es zunächst die weißen Siedler, die während und kurz nach den Unabhängigkeitskämpfen das Land verließen und nun gerne wieder in die alte Heimat zurückkehren. In Mosambik machen die Bürgerkriegsflüchtlinge die größte afrikanische Flüchtlingsgruppe aus. Seit der Unterzeichnung eines Friedensvertrages kehren viele von ihnen zurück. Die Artikel schildern die Beweggründe für die Emigration, ihre gesellschaftlichen Folgen wie auch die Risiken und Hindernisse einer erneuten Einwanderung. (DÜI-Spl)
Introduction / Arrigo Pallotti, Mario Zamponi -- HIV/AIDS and the MDGs / Alan Whiteside, Tim Quinlan -- Governing AIDS through democracy?: globalization, the state, and civil society / Maj-Lis Follér and Håkan Thörn -- HIV/AIDS intersections in Africa and competing discourses / Anke Niehof -- Global AIDS funds, national sovereignty and donor harmonisation: a view from below - Jerker Edström, Hayley MacGregor -- National Strategic Plans for HIV and AIDS in Southern and Eastern Africa: a womens rights perspective on integrating treatment, care and support / Andrew Gibbs, Luisa Orza, Jenevieve Mannell, Samantha Willan. E. Tyler Crone -- Family and community support matters for the health of people living with HIV: a discussion of the existing literature and key areas for future research / Marisa Casale, Lauren Wild -- Promoting a community-based system for HIV treatment: the CoBaSys project in Eastern and Southern Africa / Roberta Pellizzoli -- Democracy, market economy and the challenge of community health systems for HIV treatment: the case of Tanzania / Ernest T. Mallya -- The impact of HIV on communities in North-Central Namibia / Riikka Shemeikka, Veijo Notkola, Jan Kuhanen, Heta Moustgaard, Kenneth Matengu, Katri Kontio, Harri Siiskonen -- Sistemas de saúde comunitários: os cuidados domiciliários num contexto de HIV e SIDA / Ana Loforte -- Changing scenarios of HIV treatment in Southern Africa / Giovanni Guaraldi, Cinzia Puzzolante, Claudia Lazzaretti, Antonella Santoro, Francesco Guaraldi
In: Mandrup , T 2009 , ' South Africa and the SADC Stand-by Force ' , Scientia Militaria : South African Journal of Military Studies , bind 37 , nr. 2 , s. 1-24 .
The regional powerhouse, South Africa, has since the introduction of the nonracial democratic dispensation in 1994, played a central and important role in the formation of both the regional and continental security architecture. With the establishment of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) in 1992, one of the central areas of collaboration for the community was envisioned to be security, understood within a broadened human security framework. Security was therefore from the outset one of the cornerstones of integration in the SADC. It was believed that the formation of a security community would help dismantle the enmities that had plagued regional relations during the apartheid era. For some parties, institutionalisation of relations pointed to a means of stabilising and disseminating a particular order. Such institutions depict the power relations prevailing at the time of their establishment, which, however, can change over time (Cox 1981:136). The integration ambition surrounding security correlated with the ambitions of South Africa, the new democratic government in the regional powerhouse. South Africa and its overall foreign policy ambitions desired the pursuit of peace, democracy and stability for economic growth and development in the region and within South Africa itself. Since South Africa's acceptance into the SADC in 1994, the organisation has attempted to set up the required institutional framework to enable co-operation on security, both in terms of narrow military co-operation and regarding designated 2 softer security issues, such as migration and cross-border crime. The military cooperation moved forward in the early years after 1994 with the 1996 decision of creating an Organ for Politics, Defence and Security Co-operation (OPDSC)1 and later the signing of the Mutual Defence Pact (MDP) in 2003, and eventually the creation of the Strategic Indicative Plan for the Organ (SIPO) in 2004, which operationalised the OPDSC (SADC 2004). However, the actual military cooperation, e.g. military exercises, came close to a standstill. Several developments obstructed military co-operation of which the evolving crisis in Zimbabwe and the subsequent withdrawal of donor support to, for instance, the Regional Peacekeeping Training Centre (RPTC) in Harare are but two examples. The RPTC constituted the backbone of the co-operation, but political differences between member states illustrated during the Zimbabwean crisis and following the mandate of the interventions in especially the DR Congo and partly Lesotho in 1998 all contributed to regional tensions.2 Despite the crisis, SADC members, and in particular South Africa, declared that the organisation would be able to form a regional stand-by brigade for the use of the African Union (AU) as part of its wider security architecture. On 17 August 2007, the SADC declared its stand-by-force operational at a large parade in Lusaka, Zambia and at the same occasion signed a memorandum of understanding on the SADCBRIG (SADC 2007). According to the timeline provided by the AU, the brigade should be fully operational by June 2010. Former South African deputy foreign minister Aziz Pahad stated after the launch that this was an important step, but that now there was much to be done securing joint levels and types of training, interoperability, etc. (Pahad 2007). The question that continues to linger is to what extent this brigade is operational and for what purpose. Is this new regional military formation in its present form just a paper tiger, or is it "real progress" and an example of "successful" regional cooperation and integration? This article scrutinises the security co-operation and integration in SADC and asks whether an apparent lack of common values between SADC member states are blocking the security integration process, the creation of a security community, and thereby the establishment of an effective stand-by brigade, the so-called SADCBRIG. The article furthermore attempts to scrutinise the role played by South Africa in establishing the SADCBRIG.
Este artigo apresenta uma leitura crítica do conteúdo de dois filmes que abordam o preconceito racial. Foram selecionados os filmes: Um grito de liberdade e Sarafina o som da liberdade, como fonte de pesquisa. O objetivo é investigar os aspectos culturais, econômicos, sociais e políticos da África, a fim de propor uma metodologia de análise fílmica, com base nos Estudos Culturais. De que maneira o cinema, ao mostrar os conflitos sociais gerados pelas leis raciais, pode contribuir para formar professores mais preparados e capazes de lidar com o racismo e o preconceito na sala de aula? No espaço escolar, esses filmes analisados na perspectiva de Douglas Kellner, Michel Foucault e Stuart Hall, podem ampliar a nossa compreensão sobre a lógica da dominação pela segregação racial e contribuir para mobilizar ações de valorização e de reconhecimento da história e cultura africana e afro-brasileiro.
Uma pesquisa Intensiva com os usuários finais no setor da Habitação Econômica da República Sul-Africana tornou-se necessário para encontrar formas de enfrentar o contínuo aumento dos custos e ainda continuar a satisfazer as preferências, com qualidade e acessibilidade. A pesquisa tem de ser sucedida por projetos inovadores e métodos construtivos rápidos e de baixo custo, sem perder qualidade e estética. Os custos de terreno e o adensamento dos projetos, em equilíbrio com a qualidade ambiental, tornaram-se de enorme importância em qualquer empreendimento sustentável. O mesmo se aplica às vizinhanças, quanto à revitalização dos bairros. Um exemplo típico é o Nelson Mandela Bay Metropole na África do Sul, onde 100.000 unidades habitacionais precisam ser construídas em um período de três a cinco anos para acabar com o déficit. A quantidade de dados relativos a uma única habitação é vasta e, em um grande empreendimento, ainda mais significativa. Tradicionalmente, os dados são armazenados em vários locais, por exemplo, com autoridades governamentais, arquitetos ou outros profissionais, empreendedores, subcontratados, agentes imobiliários, instituições financeiras ou proprietários. Baixa eficiência e atrasos substanciais são o resultado, quando os dados existentes não podem ser acessados rapidamente, ou não são encontrados. Um processo de localização espacial e sistema de controle de dados física e inequivocamente associado com cada particular unidade habitacional foi desenvolvido para resolver com sucesso a maioria desses problemas. ; Intensive end-user research in the "Affordable Housing Sector" in R.S A. became necessary to find ways to counter ever increasing delivery costs and still satisfy preferences, quality and affordability. Research has to be followed up by innovative designs and lower cost and faster construction methods without forfeiting quality and aesthetics. Land cost and density design balanced with environmental quality became of utmost importance in any sustainable development. The same accounts for locality to achieve neighbourhood revitalization. A typical example is the Nelson Mandela Bay Metropole in South Africa where 100,000 dwellings need to be constructed in3-5 years to wipe out the back-log. The amount of data relating to a single dwelling is vast and with a large development even more significant. Traditionally the data is stored in diverse locations, for example, with government authorities, architects or other professionals, a developer, sub-contractor, conveyancer, financial institution or owner. Substantial delays and inefficiency result if existing data cannot be accessed rapidly, or at all. An electronic spatial process and data control system that is uniquely and physically associated with a particular house was successfully developed to address most of the problems we experienced.
This article has as objective to present historical aspects, as much as a brief conceptualization of the contemporary socio-economic situation of South Africa. The theoretical reflection of this article articulates the participation of both authors in the youth movement "Fees Must Fall". Based on that, it aims to debate about the contemporary issues on the field of High Education in South Africa. Like in Brazilian reality, since 2015 there has been a rise of a students' movement demanding free education and a decolonial reform of the higher education curriculum, as much as gender and racial justice. The "Fees Must Fall" movement lead to, but also protested against, the militarization of the campi, imprisonment of students, depredation, arson and violence from the different sides. The so called High Education crisis in South Africa has made propitious a wide debate in society, as much as it has served as model for many student's struggles in other contexts. This article will speak from the reality of the engagement with these students to debate about the political and economic situation in South Africa and its impact in the field of high education. Methodologically, the article sets up a bibliographical debate concerning the social and economic reasons for the contemporary crisis. The conclusion of it points to a list of some of the reasons for the crisis in high education in South Africa ; Este artículo tiene como objetivo presentar aspectos históricos, tanto como una breve conceptualización de la situación socioeconómica contemporánea de África del Sur. La reflexión teórica de este artículo articula la participación de ambos autores en el movimiento de la juventud, "Tasas Deberán Caer" (Fees Must Fall). Con base en ello, pretende debatir sobre las cuestiones contemporáneas en el campo de la Educación Superior en Sudáfrica. Similar a la realidad brasileña, desde 2015 hubo un aumento de un movimiento de estudiantes exigiendo educación gratuita y una reforma decolonial del currículo de la enseñanza superior, tanto como la justicia de género y racial. El movimiento "Fees Must Fall" condujo a la, pero también protestó contra la militarización del campus, la detención de estudiantes, la depredación, el incendio criminal y la violencia de los diferentes lados. La llamada crisis de la Educación Superior en Sudáfrica ha propiciado un amplio debate en la sociedad, tanto como sirvió de modelo para muchas luchas de estudiantes en otros contextos. Este artículo hablará de la realidad de la implicación con estudiantes para debatir sobre la situación política y económica en Sudáfrica y su impacto en el campo de la educación superior. Metodológicamente, el artículo establece un debate bibliográfico sobre las razones sociales y económicas de la crisis contemporánea. La conclusión de él apunta a una lista de algunos de los motivos de la crisis de la educación superior en Sudáfrica. ; Este artigo tem como objetivo apresentar aspectos históricos, tanto quanto uma breve conceptualização da situação socioeconômica contemporânea da África do Sul. A reflexão teórica deste artigo articula a participação de ambos os autores no movimento da juventude, "Taxas Deverão Cair" (Fees Must Fall). Com base nisso, pretende debater sobre as questões contemporâneas no campo da Educação Superior na África do Sul. Semelhante à realidade brasileira, desde 2015 houve um aumento de um movimento de estudantes exigindo educação gratuita e uma reforma decolonial do currículo do ensino superior, tanto quanto a justiça de gênero e racial. O movimento "Fees Must Fall" conduziu à, mas também protestou contra a militarização do campi, a prisão de estudantes, a depredação, o incêndio criminoso e a violência dos diferentes lados. A chamada crise da Educação Superior na África do Sul tornou propício um amplo debate na sociedade, tanto quanto serviu de modelo para muitas lutas de estudantes em outros contextos. Este artigo falará da realidade do envolvimento com estudantes para debater sobre a situação política e econômica na África do Sul e seu impacto no campo da educação superior. Metodologicamente, o artigo estabelece um debate bibliográfico sobre as razões sociais e econômicas da crise contemporânea. A conclusão dele aponta para uma lista de alguns dos motivos da crise da educação superior na África do Sul.
In: Højstrup Christensen , G , Kammel , A , Nervanto , E , Ruohomäki , J & Rodt , A P 2018 ' Successes and Shortfalls of European Union Common Security and Defence Policy Missions in Africa : Libya, South Sudan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Central African Republic ' Royal Danish Defence College , Copenhagen .
This brief synthesises the IECEU project's most essential findings on the effectiveness of European Union (EU) missions in four Africa countries: Libya, South Sudan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and the Central African Republic (CAR). It describes the main elements and impact of the EU missions in these countries, identifies key strategic and operational shortfalls and offers recommendations on how the EU can improve its effectiveness in future conflict prevention and crisis management missions. The EU missions investigated differ in scale, length, objective, budget, priority and context. However, the EU missions presented in this brief share the main characteristic that they have all been deployed under the union's Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP)2 with the explicit intent of improving the overall security situation and addressing conflicts in Africa. This brief will start by providing a short overview of each case, describing the conflict(s), security situation, mission objectives and obstacles. In this way, it compares the overall effectiveness of EU operational conflict prevention across the four African countries and discusses what lessons can be learned from them. The brief does not include all factors needed to answer thisquestion, but highlights the IECEU project's most significant findings in these cases.