Suchergebnisse

El actual embajador de Sudáfrica en la Argentina analiza las particularidades del proceso de democratización que vive esa nación. Hace hincapié en los diversos programas de reformas políticas, económicas y sociales que implementará la gestión de Nelson Mandela, primer presidente tras los largos años del apartheid. ; Current South African Ambassador in Argentina analyses the particular aspects of the democratization process that nation is going through. He emphasizes the different political, social and economic reform programmes that Nelson Mandela's government -the first after the long apartheid years- will carry out in the future. ; Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales

South Africa's membership of the BRICS has stirred controversy. A number of observers have argued that South Africa is too small in terms of economy and population to be considered an authentic member of this group. In this article, the author accepts that South Africa may have no place in the analytical construct that Jim O'Neill of Goldman Sachs invented in 2001, but also argues that South Africa is a valuable and legitimate member of the political construct that we know today as the BRIC(S). South Africa has the "soft power" needed to play a constructive role in the rebalancing ofgeopolitical power globally, and is a potential voice for the continent of Africa. However, South Africa's position in the BRICS must be understood in terms of its own contested role as a leader in Africa; the ambiguous outcomes of the BRICS engagement with this continent; and the danger that the BRICS may become an exclusive self-selected grouping rather than a potent force for greater global equity. ; La membresía de Sudáfrica en los BRICS ha generado controversia. Un gran número de observadores han argumentado que este país es demasiado pequeño en términos de economía y población para ser un miembro real de este grupo. En este texto se acepta que Sudáfrica podría no tener un lugar en la construcción analítica que Jim O'Neill, de Goldman Sachs, inventó en 2001; sin embargo, también se arguye que es un miembro válido y legítimo de la construcción política que hoy en día conocemos como BRIC(S). Sudáfrica tiene el soft power (poder blando) que se necesita para jugar un papel constructivo en el reequilibrio global del poder geopolítico, y es una voz potencial para el continente africano. A pesar de lo anterior, la posición de Sudáfrica en los BRICS debe ser entendida en términos de su controvertido papel como líder en África; los resultados ambiguos del compromiso de los BRICS con el continente, y el peligro de que estos se puedan convertir en un grupo exclusivo y autoseleccionado en lugar de una fuerza poderosa que logre una mayor equidad global.

This work focuses on a compared analysis of the South Afri- can decision related to the "peace and reconciliation act" of this country's Parliament, and the Colombian decision regarding the amendment of the constitution called "The juridical framework for the peace." Turning to the structure, it is developed in three major topics: 1. It provides a brief of the historical context, political background and an overview of the two decisions.2. It gives a structural analysis of the powers that each Court has and the nature of the constitutional mechanism through which both Courts decided the constitutionality of the said norms 3. It presents a critical analysis on the similarities and differences between the two systems and judgments. It presents some con- clusions.

The aim of this dissertation is to compare South African law on standard form contracts against the corresponding German law. Thus, the responses of both legal systems to the special situation occurring in cases of standard form contracts will be compared and evaluated. Thereby, the focus of this dissertation is to determine whether South African law on standard form contracts provides adequate protection for the submitting party. German law on standard form contracts provides the basis and outline against which South African law will be critically evaluated. German law was selected for this task, as it was one of the first legal systems, which enacted legislation, and addresses the issue systematically. It should be noted that this dissertation does not aim to evaluate German law on standard form contracts. In the first part of this dissertation I will provide a brief definition of the notion of freedom of contract and consumer protection. I will then proceed to highlight the relevance of standard form contracts in modern society and outline the problems associated with such contracts. This will be followed by a discussion of whether standard form contracts can be considered as classical contracts. In the second part of this dissertation I will outline the law on standard form contracts in both jurisdictions. Concerning the German law, I will give a brief overview of what the relevant provisions state. Concerning South African law, I will briefly illustrate what the relevant common law appears to be without going into far too much depth. Such outlines of the applicable laws are necessary in order to acquaint the reader with some of the important themes that this dissertation will discuss in detail. In part three the actual comparison and evaluation will follow. The comparison will include a detailed illustration of the law on standard form contracts in both jurisdictions. Thereby, some repetition in regard to the applicable law cannot be avoided. Thereafter, the evaluation will more specifically investigate whether South African law is effective in achieving its aims and whether South Africa should introduce legislation on standard form contract terms.

The purpose of this paper is to critically reflect on the challenges and dilemmas that are faced by Brazil and South Africa, as emerging countries denominated with the acronym of BRICS, in the context of South-South relations. We will also analyze the role of both countries, Brazil and South Africa, as active members of the BRICS group (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa). Finally, the potential for integration and external relations of both emerging states (Brazil and South Africa) will be assessed, focusing on the interests and international relations of Brazil, in a context of growing regional asymmetry. A qualitative methodological approach will be used in this paper, from the perspective of the history of international relations. ; El presente trabajo tiene por propósito reflexionar críticamente sobre los desafíos y dilemas que se presentan a Brasil y Sudáfrica, países emergentes denominados con el acrónimo BRICS, en las relaciones Sur-Sur. Asimismo, se ponderará el rol de Brasil y Sudáfrica, como miembros activos del grupo BRICS (Brasil, Rusia, India, China y Sudáfrica). Finalmente, se evaluarán las posibilidades de inserción y relacionamiento externo de ambos Estados emergentes (Brasil y Sudáfrica), en función de los intereses y relaciones internacionales brasileños, en un contexto de creciente asimetría regional. Se utilizará un enfoque metodológico cualitativo, desde la perspectiva de la historia de las relaciones internacionales contemporáneas.

La búsqueda de nuevas prácticas políticas, económicas y sociales constituye un reto para replantear nuevos horizontes dentro de la cooperación Sur-Sur. Este artículo propone explorar la respuesta africana a la "Agenda África de Venezuela" a través del estudio de las relaciones con Sudáfrica como una manera de medir su efectividad, buscando cubrir un vacío en la literatura especializada, que hasta el momento se ha ocupado sobre todo de la formulación e implementación de la nueva política venezolana, olvidando evaluar las reacciones que provoca en el contexto de la nueva lucha por África. ; Th e search for new political, economic and social practices is a challenge to redefi ne new horizons within South-South Cooperation. Th is paper proposes to explore the African response to the "Venezuelan African Agenda" through the study of the relations with South Africa as a way to measure its eff ectiveness, trying to fulfi ll a vacuum in the literature that has mainly focused on the formulation and implementation of the new Venezuelan policy so far, forgetting to evaluate the reactions it provokes in the context of the new struggle for Africa. ; 155-174 ; matacarnevali@gmail.com, mariagab@cantv.net ; semestral

A poco más de 20 años del triunfo de la democracia multirracial en Sudáfrica, el objetivo de este trabajo es revisar el rol de la cooperación Sur-Sur en la política exterior de los gobiernos de Nelson Mandela y Thabo Mbeki, colocando el énfasis en la gestión de Jacob Zuma, para evaluar el lugar que Sudáfrica le otorga a su región, al África y a las nuevas alianzas trans-regionales. Se sostiene que a pesar de su propia historia de luchas y de manifestar un compromiso solidario y cooperativo con los países del Sur y en particular con los de su región, en su relaciones externas los gobiernos del African National Congress (ANC) han defendido sus intereses nacionales por sobre los africanos ; After more than twenty years of democracy in South Africa this chapter wants to make a follow up of Nelson Mandela's, Thabo Mbeki's and Jacob Zuma's foreign policies, to assess "the place" of Southern Africa, Africa and trans-regional alliances within their discourse and actions of South-South cooperation. It is argued that despite of its own struggle against Apartheid's oppression and its solidarity and cooperative engagement with the countries of the South, the African National Congress (ANC) governments have defended national South African interests over African ones ; Fil: Lechini, Gladys. Universidad Nacional de Rosario. Facultad de Ciencia Política y Relaciones Internacionales; Argentina.

En este documento, Gillian Hart analiza las relaciones cambiantes entre la producción industrial intensiva que exige mucha mano de obra y las condiciones que favorecen la proliferación de la última, en Sudáfrica, entre 1980 y 2000. A principios del decenio de 1980, el Estado del apartheid ofreció generosos incentivos a las industrias que requerían numerosa mano de obra para que se establecieran en zonas de descentralización industrial. en antiguos territorios bantúes o en zonas adyacentes a los mismos. Las industrias ligeras, muchas de ellas procedentes de Taiwán (Provincia de China) y empleadoras principalmente de mujeres,se multiplicaron en estas zonas, mientras que el número de industrias pesadas que exigían un gran volumen de capital, situadas en los principales núcleos urbanos, disminuyó drásticamente. En 1991, el gobierno de de Klerk, en respuesta a las feroces críticas de las empresas poderosas de Sudáfrica al ver menoscabados sus intereses, recortó drásticamente los subsidios. Desde mediados del decenio de 1990, el Estado posterior al apartheid ha adoptado la inversión extranjera directa (IED) y la exportación de productos como estrategia principal de su política neoliberal. No obstante, según Hart, hasta ahora no se han cumplido estas promesas. Bajo la presión de los productos importados baratos, el empleo en la industria que necesita mucha mano de obra ha disminuido drásticamente, la IED ha sido mínima y los imperativos neoliberales han limitado las políticas sociales redistributivas. ; In this paper, Gillian Hart examines the changing relationships between labour-intensive industrial production and the conditions of reproduction of labour in South Africa between 1980 and 2000. In the early 1980s, the apartheid state offered generous incentives for labour-intensive industries to locate in "industrial decentralization points" either in or adjacent to former bantustans. Light industries -many of them from Taiwan (Province of China) and employing mainly women-mushroomed in these areas, while the number of heavy capital-intensive industries in the main urban centres decreased sharply. In 1991 the government of F.W. de Klerk, in response to fierce criticism from powerful South African business interests, slashed the subsidies. Since the mid-1990s, the post-apartheid state has embraced foreign direct investment (FDI) and export production as the centre-piece of its neoliberal policy. Yet until now, according to Hart, these promises have remained unfulfilled. Under pressure from cheap imports, employment in labour-intensive industry has shrunk dramatically, FDI has been minimal, and neoliberal imperatives have constrained redistributive social policies./ ; Gillian Hart examine ici l'évolution des relations entre la production industrielle à forte intensité de travail et les conditions de reproduction de la main-d'oeuvre en Afrique du Sud entre 1980 et 2000. Au début des années 1980, le régime d'apartheid était généreux lorsqu'il s'agissait d'inciter des industries à forte intensité de travail à s'implanter dans des zones de décentralisation industrielle, à l'intérieur ou à proximité des anciens bantoustans. Les industries légères, pour beaucoup originaires du Taiwan (Province de Chine) et employant une main-d'oeuvre essentiellement féminine, poussèrent comme des champignons dans ces zones, tandis que le nombre d'industries lourdes à forte intensité de capital diminua dans les grandes agglomérations urbaines. En 1991, le gouvernement de Klerk, face aux critiques virulentes de la part de puissants intérêts économiques sud-africains, réduisit considérablement les subventions. Depuis 1995, l'Etat de l'après-apartheid fait des investissements étrangers directs (IED) et de la production pour l'exportation la pièce maîtresse de sa politique néolibérale. A ce jour, pourtant, cette politique n'a pas, selon Gillian Hart, tenu ses promesses. Des importations bon marché ont provoqué une contraction de l'emploi dans les industries à fort coefficient de main-d'oeuvre, les IED ont été minimes et les impératifs néolibéraux ont fait obstacle à une politique sociale de redistribution. /

Local government structures are believed to be the essence of participatory democracy. It is through local government that citizens come into direct contact with their elected government, as power flows from national to local government. It is against this backdrop that the new local government structures were adopted in South Africa: as a measure to extend democracy to the larger citizenry. However, local government structures have not been able to live up to expectations, as they are generally characterized by sluggishness in terms of service delivery; failure to attract community participation; and, lately—towards the run-up of March 1 2006 local elections—mass protests and uprisings against these problems. The problem has been explained in terms of lack of capacity and technical know-how. This paper aims to go beyond such explanations, and argues that the local government "mayhem" has to do with structural limitations when it comes to drawing citizens' participation. Thus, in addition to lack of capacity, there is a problem of exclusion which undermines local government.

South Africa has the paradoxical conditions of African country with an economic and social situation of poverty, exclusion and exploitation, but with an emerging economy and power characteristics associated with the BRICS. This occurs in the context of a global economic crisis and process of a transition to a multipolar geopolitical order. The democratization process initiated by its leader Nelson Mandela, has managed to take out apartheid South Africa. However, it remains a state in which live two social and ethnic realities, still strongly differentiated. Moreover, economic growth set it apart from African countries mired in poverty and the exploitation of its resources. It has become an African reference and a potency participating in the G-20 and informal mini-lateral organizations such as the BRICS and IBSA. This paper attempts to analyze some of its features, its prospects and its complexities. ; La República de Sudáfrica presenta las condiciones paradojales de país africano, con una situación económica y social de pobreza, exclusión y explotación, y su carácter de economía emergente y potencia del BRICS. Esto se da en el marco de un proceso económico mundial de crisis y de una transición hacia un orden geopolítico multipolar. El proceso de democratización iniciado por su líder Nelson Mandela, ha sacado a Sudáfrica del apartheid jurídico y legal. Sin embargo, sigue siendo un Estado en el que conviven dos realidades sociales y étnicas, aún fuertemente diferenciadas. Por otra parte, su crecimiento económico lo diferencia del conjunto de países africanos, sumergidos en la pobreza y la expoliación de sus recursos. Se ha convertido así en un referente africano y en una potencia que participa del G-20 y de organizaciones minilaterales informales como el BRICS o el IBSA. Este artículo se propone analizar algunas de sus particularidades, sus perspectivas y sus complejidades. Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales