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Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- PART ONE HOUSEHOLD, CLAN, VILLAGE AND MANOR -- CHAPTER I. AGRICULTURAL ORGANIZATION AND THE PROBLEM OF AGRARIAN COMMUNISM -- CHAPTER II. PROPERTY SYSTEMS AND SOCIAL GROUPS -- CHAPTER III. The 0RIGIN OF SEIGNIORIAL PROPRIETORSHIP -- CHAPTER IV. THE MANOR -- CHAPTER V. THE POSITION OF THE PEASANTS IN VAEIOUS WESTERN COUNTRIES BEFORE THE ENTRANCE OF CAPITALISM -- CHAPTER VI CAPITALISTIC DEVELOPMENT OF THE MANOR -- PART TWO INDUSTRY AND MINING DOWN TO THE BEGINNING OF THE CAPITALISTIC DEVELOPMENT -- CHAPTER VII. PRINCIPAL FORMS OF THE ECONOMIC OR-GANIZATION OF INDUSTRY -- CHAPTER VIII. STAGES IN THE DEVELOPlllENT OF INDUSTRY AND MINING -- CHAPTER IX. THE CRAFT GUILDS -- CHAPTER X. THE ORIGIN OF THE EUROPEAN GUILDS -- CHAPTER XI. DISINTEGRATION OF THE GUILDS AND DEVEL- OPMENT OF THE DOMESTIC SYSTEM -- CHAPTER XII. SHOP PRODUCTION. THE FACTORY AND ITS FORE-RUNNERS -- CHAPTER XIII. MINING PRIOR TO THE DEVELOPMENT OF MODERN CAPITALISM -- PART THREE COMMERCE AND EXCHANGE IN THE PRE-CAPITALISTIC AGE -- CHAPTER XIV. POINTS OF DEPARTURE IN THE DEVELOP-MENT OF COMMERCE -- CHAPTER XV. TECHNICAL REQUISITES FOR THE TRANSPORTATION OF GOODS -- CHAPTER XVI. FORMS OF ORGANIZATION OF TRANSPORTA- TION AND OF COMMERCE -- CHAPTER XVII. FORMS OF COMMERCIAL ENTERPRISE -- CHAPTER XVIII. MERCANTILE GUILDS -- CHAPTER XIX MONEY AND MONETARY HISTORY -- CHAPTER XX. BANKING AND DEALINGS IN MONEY IN THE PRE-CAPITALISTIC AGE -- CHAPTER XXI. INTERESTS IN THE PRE-CAPITALISTIC PERIOD -- PART FOUR THE ORIGIN OF MODERN CAPITALISM -- CHAPTER XXII. THE MEANING AND PRESUPPOSITIONS OF MODERN CAPITALISM -- CHAPTER XXIII. THE ExTERNAL FACTS IN THE EVOLUTION OF CAPITALISM -- CHAPTER XXIV. THE FIRST GREAT SPECULATIVE CRISES -- CHAPTER XXV. FREE WHOLESALE TRADE

In this paper, I will discuss three classic problems in economic history. I label them "classic" because they are problems of general interest that share the central characteristic of classic problems: an extensive literature has not led to general agreement. They are taken from the literature on the history of the United States because of the wealth of data and secondary material on this country's history, but they all have their analogues or reflections in European history. They are the problems of labor scarcity in America, the depression of the 1930's (which Americans call the Great Depression), and the deflation of the late nineteenth century (which the British call the Great Depression).

Frontmatter -- Acknowledgments -- Contents -- I Sedan to Ferrières -- II Ferrières to Versailles -- III A Time of Tensions -- IV Armistice -- V Aftermath of the Armistice : Elections -- VI Peace Preliminaries -- VII The Brussels Negotiations -- VIII The Frankfort Negotiations -- IX Ratification -- X The Conventions of 1871 -- XI The Convention of June 29, 1872 -- XII The Convention of March 15, 1873 -- Appendix A : Brussels Negotiations German and French Proposals -- Appendix Β : Treaties and Conventions Between France and Germany January 1871 to May 1873 -- Bibliography -- Index

The General Prologue is often called a picture of its age and, frequently inthe next breath, a satire. In English Lit. this usually draws a stern lectureabout confusing the distinction between literature and history, but in thisessay, unobserved by my sophomores, I propose to talk about the General Prologue as a picture of its age and then, tentatively, about some uses suchhistory might be put to by historians and literary students.

When World War II broke out, the economic history of Modern Europe was largely an underdeveloped and uncultivated field. One country only, Britain, had a well-established school of economic historians, which was already quite prolific. In Germany, there had been a promising start at the end of the 19th century, mostly with the historical school of economists, but it had largely petered out, even before the deadly influence of Nazism set in. In other countries, a number of scholars had done valuable and even brilliant work, but they were few and isolated, and political, diplomatic, religious history remained supreme. This was the case, for example, in France, which had one single chair of economic history in its eighteen universities, despite the passionate campaign which had been waged during the 1930's to promote work in economic and social history by the new journal Annales d'histoire économique et sociale, under the leadership of Marc Bloch and Lucien Febvre. Moreover, pre-war economic history was mostly institutional, with a side-line in the study of techniques and innovations. As Professor Herlihy points out in another article for works on the earlier centuries, scholars were "thinking primarily in terms of institutions and of total economic systems based upon them."