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Wong, Ying Suet. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 120-131). ; In English with some Chinese and Japanese; abstract also in Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter One: --- Introduction --- p.3 ; Literature Review --- p.7 ; Structure --- p.10 ; Notes on Sources --- p.13 ; Chapter Chapter Two: --- Venereal Disease Policies in the Metropole and Their Colonies --- p.15 ; The Case of Britain --- p.16 ; VD Policy in the Metropole: The case of Britain --- p.16 ; VD Policy in the Colonies: The Case of Colonies under Britain --- p.23 ; The Case of Japan with Reference of Britain as the Pioneer Policy Maker --- p.28 ; Chapter Chapter Three: --- Venereal Disease control in the Metropole --- p.31 ; Legislation --- p.32 ; Institutions --- p.44 ; Education and Social Discussion --- p.49 ; Resistance --- p.55 ; VD control in the Japanese Military Force --- p.60 ; Summary --- p.67 ; Chapter Chapter Four: --- Venereal Disease Control in Colonial Taiwan --- p.70 ; Legislation --- p.72 ; Licensed prostitution system --- p.72 ; The VD Prevention Law --- p.79 ; Education and Social Discussion --- p.84 ; Before the VD Prevention Law in Japan in 1927 --- p.84 ; Education and Public Discussion of VD after the promulgation of the VD Prevention Law in 1927 --- p.90 ; The Changing Discourse of VD --- p.95 ; Summary --- p.100 ; Chapter Chapter Five: --- "Sex, Gender, Class, Race and Colonialism" --- p.101 ; Taiwanese Women´ةs image: Scapegoating --- p.101 ; Medical Development: State Medicine and Local Elites --- p.106 ; VD Control in the Military in Taiwan --- p.109 ; Summary --- p.111 ; Chapter Chapter Six: --- Conclusion --- p.114 ; Bibliography --- p.120

本文论述陈冠中的长篇小说《盛世:中国,2013》揭示了一种出现于晚期社会主义中国的焦灼感。这种普遍却又隐秘的集体心态体现了当代中国人在两种信念之间的摇摆状态:毛时代遗留下的中国社会主义传统,以及"改革开放"后萌生的个人主义信条。陈冠中分别以"好地狱"与"伪天堂"的意象来概括两种社会形态下的内部矛盾。一方面,"好地狱"中所拥有的中国革命精神既成就了中国"反帝反封建"无产阶级革命的胜利,同时又不可避免地导向了"文化大革命"的发生。另一方面,生活在"伪天堂"中的人们虽然尝到了物质生活所带来的甜头,却也不得不思量为其付出的文化、政治代价。尽管许多人将陈冠中提出的"伪天堂"概念解读为中国现实的缩影,本文却不鼓励中西读者止步于此。在"好地狱"与"伪天堂"中进行非此即彼的抉择无疑固化了这种二元对立的思维范式,而无从冲破现实的窘境。本文希望通过对小说系统而细致的阅读向读者展示《盛世》突显了当代中国人在面对"好地狱"与"伪天堂"时焦虑、矛盾、无所适从的心态。而想要走出这种心态,必须先摆脱"好地狱"与"伪天堂"所设下的思维禁锢。 ; This thesis argues Chan Koon-Chung's The Fat Years (2009) reflects a collective anxiety in late socialist China. The anxiety concerns the tension that is immanent to a receding belief in the emancipatory potential of Maoist Communism and a growing recognition of the failure of the liberatory potential of a turn to individualism. For Chan, this anxiety is written in terms of a "Good Hell" and a "False Paradise." The Good Hell refers to the egalitarian revolutionary spirit, which nonetheless powered the terror of the Cultural Revolution; while the False Paradise refers to the miscarried promises of the turn to capitalism. What Chan presents the reader with, then, is not a simple choice between a Good Hell and a False Paradise, but a confusing or "sticky" world in which China's middle class hesitate to devote themselves to either paradigm. Of course, such indecision does not benefit the State, and so Chan shows how the Central Government ultimately attempts to position the middle class. It does so by monumentalizing the past, which is to say creating an abrupt rupture between "now" and "then," and therein disconnecting history from the present. In this way, the world of confusion turns into an unbearable one where individual will is only permitted if one first surrenders to Government ideology. Chan's wager is that China's middle class should once again embrace the sense of confusion that comes from the complicated psychological state of the unreconciled ideas embedded in the "Good Hell and False Paradise" complex. Only in this way can one begin to examine ...

雍城作為秦都達300年之久,對秦政治、軍事、經濟、文化、宗教等方面的發展都發揮了很大的作用。此時期的秦文化既繼承了之前的西北、周文化傳統,又吸收了三晉、巴蜀、楚等地的文化特色,文化內涵漸趨豐富。前人對雍城的研究雖多,可是大多著重考古挖掘與都城結構兩方面,而較少從文化交流的角度分析相關議題。本文以前人研究為基礎,結合文獻與考古材料,先從「點」的層面開始,探討雍城所反映的春秋戰國之際,秦國的上層文化面貌。進而從「點」擴展至「線」的層面,縱向討論西周、春秋、戰國時期秦文化的演變,以及橫向考析天水、寶雞、西安地區不同等級的秦墓所反映的文化面貌。文中透過全面的整合與分析前人研究成果、文獻及考古材料,了解到秦國雖透過政治與軍事擴張而與「他者」文化接觸,但其文化發展卻沒有排他性。因此,秦國與「他者」的文化交流模式屬許倬雲所說的「傳播和擴散型」。 ; The city of Yong(雍城) was the capital of Qin state(秦國) for 300 years. During this period, Qin had experienced a great development from the area of politic, military, religion, culture to economy. This thesis deals mainly with the development of Qin's culture, and holds the opinion that Qin culture became sophisticated gradually with numerous cultural elements from the surrounding ethnic groups. Qin culture as a cultural complex, it inherited the traditions of Zhou(周), and absorbed cultural elements from the Northwest, Southwest and the Central Plain(中原). Archaeological researches on the city of Yong in the past fifty years have great achievements on Qin's early history, however, there is no consensus in regard to some aspects of the early Qin culture, such as the palace structure of the city of Yong. By investigating the documents and unearthed relics, including tombs, pottery and bronze vessels, this thesis examines the characteristics and changes of Qin culture during Western Zhou and Eastern Zhou periods, and analyzes the process and pattern of cultural communication between Qin and the Other. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; 林淑娟. ; "2013年7月". ; "2013 nian 7 yue". ; Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 189-216). ; Abstract in Chinese and English. ; Lin Shujuan. ; Chapter 序章 --- 緒論 --- p.頁1 ; Chapter 甲、 --- 解題 ; Chapter (一) --- 「秦早期」與「雍城時期」 ; Chapter (二) --- 「文化」:群體、社會的生活方式 ; Chapter (三) --- 文化交流與相融:「自我」與「他者」的相互作用 ; Chapter 乙、 --- 前人研究綜述 ; Chapter (一) --- 半個世紀的雍城考古成果 ; Chapter (二) --- 秦早期中、小型墓研究概況 ; Chapter (三) --- 秦早期器物研究綜述 ; Chapter 丙、 --- 研究目的及各章重點 ; Chapter (一) --- ...

围龙屋是客家人聚族而居的传统建筑,集中分布于广东东北部。它蕴含一套独特的空间构造和象征体系,体现了客家人的社会结构和性别观念。空间作为一项技术,在物质领域和精神领域上划分了两性的界限,并维护着性别关系结构。集体化时期国家对围龙屋进行了全面性改造,女性抓住机会获取村落公共空间的话语权,并在今天成为宗教活动的主导。改革开放之后,经济改革促使当地人搬出围龙屋住进新式楼房,家庭关系也随之改变。 ; 本文以梅州一座围龙屋为研究对象,以客家妇女的日常生活实践为核心主题,通过分析围龙屋聚落的历史脉络、空间构造及其社会意义的转变,探讨空间生产过程中女性个体、国家力量和传统文化观念之间的互动与角力,从而理解中国建国后的社会、政治、经济变迁。国家通过改造围龙屋来达成管制目的,客家女性在国家话语下发挥能动性获取更多的生存空间,同时也受到传统文化观念的约束。今天,国家力量借助市场经济以非正式的方式渗透农村,彻底改变了家庭权力结构,并使传统文化滋生出新的表现形式。 ; The weilong houses serve as the dwelling places for the Hakka people in Northeast Guangdong. Each weilong house contains elaborate spatial arrangements and a symbolic system that embodies the social order and gender relations of the Hakka. Space draws the boundaries between men and women in both the material and spiritual spheres, maintaining the gender structure of the Hakka society. During the collectivization period when the state reorganized the weilong house, women seized the opportunity to gain power for the control of village public space, and later they became religious leaders, even to the present. The economic reforms since 1978 have induced the villagers to leave the weilong house and move into new double-storey buildings, changing the family relations in the household. ; This research is a study of a weilong house in Meizhou, with focus on the daily practices of Hakka women. Taking into account of the history of the weilong house, its spatial structure and the changes in its social meanings, I seek to explore the production and reproduction of space in relation to women, tradition and the state, leading to a deeper understanding of the social-economic and political changes since 1949. The state achieved its rule through the re-arrangement of space, and the Hakka women use their agency to gain more living space under the state discourse, despite being constrained by traditional culture. Today, through market forces, state power has permeated all aspects of village life, transforming the power structure of the family thoroughly and enabling traditional culture to express in new ...

China is going through massive changes at the moment ranging from economy and society to culture. The bilt environment is definitely also part of this. Was it just four years back only about bringing prestigious names and projects into the country has this evolved into a wide ranging ecology and sustainability trend. Probably fueled by the western input, Cina has leapfrogged directly into the sustainability discussion and this directly influences the project planing and delivery

1842年,香港岛被割让给英国。翌年发布的《香港宪章》(the Hong Kong Charter)和《致璞鼎查训令》(Instructions to Sir Henry Pottinger)标志着香港正式成为英属殖民地,英国对香港的殖民统治自此正式开始。毫无疑问,在英国官员为主的殖民政府和华人为主的被管治群体之间存在着巨大的语言鸿沟,这是殖民管治所面对和必须有效解決的问题。港英殖民政府内除有一批颇受重视、监管翻译工作的欧洲译者外,尚有不少华人译员。他们主要负责重要性较低的日常翻译工作,弥补欧洲译者人数不足的问题。然而长久以来,学界几乎完全沒有关注早期港英殖民政府內的华人译员群体,致使他们的工作和贡献一直沒有得到认识和认同。这可以说是香港殖民史以及香港翻译史上一个较严重的空白。 ; 本文爬梳大量原始史料,分析这一群体从接受英语教育,到政府任职及进一步发展的人生轨迹以及此间的活动,揭示他们作为翻译史现象的复杂性:一方面,他们身处殖民社会,既是统治政府的执行人员,但又同时是被殖民者;另一方面,作为译者,他们处于中英两种语言及文化的交接点,面临不同语言和文化的冲突和抉择。正是这种复杂的境地,使得他们身份的不确定性和双重性充分突显出來。本文通过对于华人译员这种复杂性的分析,除让我们更好地理解这一特殊群体的面貌外,也希望能进一步展示译者研究的丰富性和可能性,期望能为长期被忽略的译者研究作贡献。 ; The Hong Kong Island was ceded to Britain in 1842. One year later, the Hong Kong Charter and the later Instructions to Sir Henry Pottinger were promulgated to establish the Hong Kong Island and its dependencies as a separate Crown Colony, beginning the British colonial rule over this former Chinese territory. Without doubt, there existed a huge language barrier between the British officials and the residents, who were overwhelmingly made up of the Chinese nationals. Communication had been a pressing and difficult problem faced by the Colonial Hong Kong Government. ; In the Colonial Hong Kong Government, there were some European interpreters who were in senior positions to take charge of interpretation/translation supervision. They enjoyed superior status. On the other hand, some native Chinese also acted as interpreters/translators. They were subordinate to and assisted the European interpreters/translators in the government, undertaking relatively less important and sensitive interpretation/translation tasks. Little attention has been paid to the study of the native Chinese interpreters/translators in the early Colonial Hong Kong Government, resulting in a lack of understanding of their work and contributions in the translation history of colonial Hong Kong. ; This dissertation studies the native Chinese interpreters as a special group in the early Colonial Hong Kong Government. By digging into first-hand historical ...

在数据分析的基础上,本文检验了两个理论假设--"政治资本假设与"冲突性偏差假设,以分析国家主导的市场化进程对共产党员收入优势的影响。主流观点认为,在中国,党员身份代表了一种政治资本,因而在经济转型期,共产党员收入优势的变化就相应地反映了市场化进程中政治资本收益(或党员身份政治资本含量)的变化,即关于党员身份的"政治资本假设。而"冲突性偏差假设则考虑了市场化进程中,政治资本和人力资本对个体的职业流动和收入回报的双向影响,以及这种双向影响在回归分析中造成的偏误。通过运用 Pearl(2000)有关冲突性偏差( collider bias,选择偏差的一种)的分析结论,笔者推断,在市场化进程中,控制"单位体制类型和"干部位置会导致党员身份和个人收入之间出现虚假的负偏差,因此,即使党员身份带来的政治资本收益不变,"党员身份对"个人收入的回归系数(控制"单位体制类型和"干部位置后)也会因为选择偏差的上升而呈现出下降甚至转变为负的趋势。如若"党员身份对"个人收入的回归系数在控制"单位体制类型和"干部位置后变为零,反而证明"党员身份对"个人收入仍存在积极的直接效应--这就是关于市场转型期中国共产党员收入优势的悖论。通过运用 2008年中国综合社会调查(CGSS2008),回归分析结果充分验证了"冲突性偏差的经验预测。这也提醒研究者:在对当代共产党员的收入优势进行理论解读时,主流观点忽视了冲突性偏差所造成的影响。在文章的最后,笔者讨论了此发现对将来研究的启发。 ; This study examines two hypotheses for the impact of deepening marketization on the income returns to party membership in socialist China: the political capital and collider bias hypotheses. The prevailing view holds that party membership brings political capital (positional power and connections) and changing income returns reflects the changing leverage of political capital in market transition. The collider bias hypothesis acknowledges the expanding role of unobserved ability in the determination of income in the presence of party clientelism. Drawing on Pearl's analysis of collider bias, we argue that recent marketization would lead to a paradoxical increase of negative bias on the income returns to party membership even if the political capital benefits of party membership persist as the prior literature maintains. Consequently, after conditioning on sector and cadre position, regression coefficient of party membership on income would be suppressed and become even negative. The paradox is that, if the income effect of party membership vanishes after controlling sector and/or cadre position, there must be a true positive party effect on income. Results based on the 2008 Chinese General Social Survey consistently support the predictions of collider bias hypothesis. The prevailing interpretation of previous findings is seriously undermined by ignorance of this pervasive selection bias. ...

醫學知識的傳播在近代中國經歷了一個大衆化,普及化,商業化的過程。而以豐富的醫學著述而聞名的上海醫學書局的創辦人,集醫生、著述家、出版商、佛教居士等身份為一體的近代學者丁福保(1874-1952),則是這一過程中的關鍵人物。本文的研究主要建立在丁福保從1900年到1949年翻譯、自撰、編寫出版的各類醫學書籍及發表的醫學知識文章的基礎之上,從其產生的社會背景出發,試圖解釋出身傳統文人家庭的丁氏是如何應時代之變,一步步走向行醫及出版之路的。 ; 從1909到1915年前後,丁福保和他創辦的醫學書局幾乎主導了晚清民初的醫書市場,介紹引進了日本明治維新以來出版的包括解剖生理、病理衛生等各科近百部西醫書籍,還有部分中藥及中醫著作。丁氏獲得成功的原因既在於他在商業、經濟及人際、社團網絡方面的影響力,也在於他出版的醫書適應了近代以來包括中醫、學生及普通市民在内的讀者需求。然而1915年之後,隨著西醫專業團體的興起,丁福保在西醫譯書市場中的壟斷地位迅速被取代。故對丁氏而言,1909至1915年是個非常有利的時段。本文對這個特殊時代的背景做出分析。在此之后,作爲一名佛學養生家,丁氏在醫書市場上貢獻最多的是關於個人保健衛生的通俗醫學知識。因此,丁福保的醫學知識與他對自身的認識,及其人生哲學的關係也在本文的討論範圍之内,以顯示一個傳統文人在中西醫學以及儒、道、釋文化的影響下,對以現代醫藥為代表的「現代性」的思考和身體力行。 ; This thesis is a study of Ding Fubao (1874-1952)--a famous Chinese physician-publisher, lay Buddhist and classical scholar--and the role he played in the history of modern Chinese medicine. Ding's medical ideas and practices as the founder of the Shanghai Medical Bookstore exactly mirrored the popularization and commercialization of medical knowledge in modern China. Focusing on the popularization of medical knowledge, this thesis explains how Ding--an educated man born in a traditional Chinese culture--could make use of political power, marketing and social networks to achieve success with a career of producing and disseminating modern medical knowledge. This process also reflected the relationship between Ding's medical knowledge and his conceptions of the body with his philosophy of life; while further illuminating the conflicts and compromises in the Chinese medical circles of the time. This work is primarily based on medical books and journals produced by Ding Fubao during the Late Qing and Republican eras, from the collections of libraries in Beijing and Shanghai. ; Ding Fubao and the Medical Bookshop he established in Shanghai dominated the medical book market in China from 1909 to around 1915. During this time, dozens of Japanese medical books from the time of Meiji restoration, covering areas ranging from Western medicine to Chinese medicine, were published and distributed from his bookshop. Ding's ...

2008年三鹿三聚氰胺毒奶粉事件震驚國內外,該事件導致六名嬰兒腎結石死亡,逾三萬嬰幼兒從此生活在各種腎疾病的陰霾之下。此後奶產品安全問題尋出不窮,對國內奶產業造成嚴重的負面影響,令消費者對整個國內奶產業信心下降。事實上,在很多奶產品安全的危機中,遭受質疑的企業組織最後均被政府的檢測結果證實是無辜的。在危機中,組織的形象受到威脅,組織需通過不同的方法進行自我辯護。現存的文獻提出,危機溝通策略和組織對責任承擔的態度是兩個影響公眾對組織信心和媒體報導語調的重要因素。組織類型(國有或外資)也會影響公眾對組織的信心和媒體報導語調。過往研究也發現,公眾對組織的信心與媒體報導語調之間存在正相關的聯繫。此研究通過對兩個犯行危機情景的案例研究(2009多美滋危機事件和2010聖元危機事件),目的在於評估危機溝通策略的效用,同時也探討在不同的階段中危機溝通策略、組織責任承擔、組織類型、公眾對組織的信心和媒體報導語調之間的關係。研究成果發現文獻建議之在不同階段的最佳策略和組織責任承擔對公眾對組織的信心和媒體報導語調均無重要影響。然而,使用越少藉口和越多提供信息策略的組織贏得更多公眾信心,從而提升正面媒體報導。研究也發現,外企在第一和第二階段報導更正面,但最後國企反而取得正面的媒體報導。另外,組織類型與階段對組織選取策略與組織責任承擔均有影響。本研究結果顯示西方危機處理理論在低信任度社會如中國等未必適用。研究一方面透過更複雜的情境角度,進一步加深對現有危機傳播文獻的理解,例如引入不同階段的概念來評估危機管理的成效,另一方面也為在低信任社會中的奶產業企業提供有效的危機管理建議。 ; Sanlu Melamine-contaminated Milk Scandal, the frequent outbreak of dairy product safety crises had a severe impact on the domestic dairy industry, resulting in a general loss of the consumers' confidence in the entire domestic dairy industry. In fact, in many crises the crisis-ridden organizations were eventually proven innocent by governmental departments. During a crisis, an organization's image is threatened, so that various communicative entities are used to defend this image. Based on the existing literature, this study aims at evaluating the effectiveness of crisis communicative strategies (CCSs) as well as investigating the relationships among CCSs, organization responsibility acceptance, organization ownership type (domestically owned or foreign-invested), confidence in organization and media coverage in different stages during the crisis by comparing the Dumex case in 2009 and the Synutra case in 2010. The results found that the posited optimal CCS in a particular stage and organization responsibility acceptance generally did not have significant effects on confidence in organization or media image coverage. However, the findings revealed that the less excuses and the more information providing strategies were employed, the higher the stakeholders' confidence in organization would be, which in turn significantly increased the ...

到2013年,香港教育專業人員協會(教協會)創會已過了四十年,成為香港最大的教師工會,在香港教育界扮演著重要的角色。本研究將重點放在回歸十年(1997-2007年)這段期間。在這期間香港教育經歷很大的變化,有人稱之為翻天覆地的改變。隨著教育統籌局局長李國章及常任秘書長羅范椒芬在2007年離任,教育改革似乎又走向另一個階段。本研究以教師語文基準為研究焦點。雖然教師語文政策自1982年《國際顧問團報告書》提出後,1992年的教育統籌委員會的五號報告書建議成立「語文能力工作小組」,而小組於1994年提出的《語文能力工作小組報告書》中已提及教師的語文基準,但至教改開始時仍在討論醞釀階段,語文教師基準檢測是回歸以來特區政府的首項重要教育政策,也是教師工會自1973年文憑教師爭薪酬事件以後的另一次大規模抗爭行動。 ; 本研究嘗試用定質方法分析這種現象﹐旨在了解教協會作為一個教師工會,如何參與教育改革。本研究視教育改革為一個福柯式的規訓制度,焦點在於教協在建立這規訓制度過程中的參與,以教師語文基準為例,通過深度訪談(in-depth interview)和文獻查檢,分析官員、學者、教師、學生、家長等的言論、政府的政策文件以及對教協會的評論及回應等。傳媒的報道、外界的批評,未必與事實相符,因此,本研究的其中一個步驟是查閱教協會的內部文件,並訪問主要處理該政策的教協會理事,理解教協會提出政策建議背後的理念,以及它對官員的回應以及對政策的影響,最後透過本人當年作為教協會義工和後期作為理事的親身經歷加以印證,分析教協會在教師語文政策論述中的角色,理解國家與工會的互動如何建構規訓式的教育改革的政策。 ; By 2013, the Hong Kong Professional Teachers' Union (PTU), the biggest teachers' union in Hong Kong, has been founded for over four decades and plays an important role in the education sector. This research focuses on the ten years after the handover of Hong Kong (1997-2007), which is a period of great change (some call it radical change) in the history of education in Hong Kong. After the Secretary of Education and Manpower Arthur Li Kwok-cheung and the Permanent Secretary Fanny Law Fan Chiu-fun stepped down in 2007, the Education Reform seems to have entered another stage. Within the decade of Education Reform, all changes are of great research significance. This thesis attempts to explore the Teachers' Language Benchmarks Policy, amidst other reform policies. Although the teachers' language policy was put on the agenda as early as the Llewellyn Report in 1982, and, although teachers' language benchmark was mentioned in the " Report of the Working Group on Language Proficiency " in 1994, formed after the Education Commission Report No.5's recommendation in 1992, it was still in an embryonic stage when the Education Reforms started. This policy was the first important educational policy launched by the SAR Government since the handover, and it also instigated one of the teachers' union major mass protest actions, after the ...

本文主要考察社会主义中国的文化政策经历了怎样的发展变化,并试图回答自1949年以来中国共产党是如何介入与领导当代中国的文化,其文化治理的理论与实践又是如何发展与转变,对文化领域又产生了怎样的影响。 ; 与只对政策文件进行解读的传统政策研究不同,本研究采用文化的政治经济学和文化社会学取经,结合宏观与微观、观念与实践两个层面,对上述问题进行考察与分析,从而梳理出中国文化政策发展变化的历史脉络。除了对中共制订的政策文件及主要思想理论进行梳理与分析外,本文选取了代表中国社会主义国家特色的上海市工人文化宮及其话剧生产为个案研究对象,通过文献研究、实地考察、深度访谈、历史比较分析等方法,具体深入地考察文化主体与文化政策之间的关系,尤其是在后毛泽东时代的发展变化,以此勾勒出社会主义中国文化政策从思维到实践的运动轨迹。 ; 本文希望通过这一研究可以在以下三个方面有所贡献:(1)梳理出一种社会主义中国的文化政策的历史脉络;(2)试图通过个体深访和个体口述史,来考察社会主义中国文化政策与个体的关系,从而在微观上提供关于社会主义中国文化政策的重要实证数据。并且,(3)在中观和宏观的层面上建议一种关于社会主义中国文化政策研究的理论框架,作为今后这一研究课题发展的一个基础;(4)通过比较中国与西方发达资本主义国家之间文化政策发展与运动趋势的异同,反思中国文化政策的转型,从而为推进中国文化政策的发展与进步建言。最后,希望本论文可以对社会主义国家或发展中国家的文化政策研究提供中国经验的参考与启发。需要强调的是,本文并非急于给社会主义中国文化政策的历史变迁下定论,限于历史资料收集的有限性和文化政策历时研究的复杂性,本文主要是通过现有的史料和相关数据,来做一项关于社会主义中国文化政策领域的开拓性的基础研究,也是为日后中国文化政策研究的发展做一种铺垫。 ; The thesis project attempts to answer the questions about how the Chinese Communist Party governs the cultural domain in Contemporary China, and how the cultural governance develops and influences cultural production in China since 1949. ; This research tries systematically explores the development of the cultural policy of Socialist China by focusing on Shanghai Municipal Workers Palace of Culture and its cultural production, which is an understudied topic in Chinese Studies. Through investigating the CCP's theories, thoughts and policies in cultural sphere, the ways and rules of producing literature and art, it will systematically analyze the relationship of the Chinese party-state and culture in different historical periods, and illustrate the development of the CCP's cultural policy from theory to practice. ; The study mainly adopts Cultural Political Economy and Sociology of Culture approaches. Different from traditional cultural policy studies, it is a historical and comparative empirical inquiry with an integrated macro and micro perspective. The study introduces qualitative methods including archive analysis, field study, in-depth interview, oral history, participant observation, and historical comparative analysis and etc, to answer the ...

第三次民主化浪潮及其所代表的世界性民主化转型使得许多人相信民主不仅具有其本身的价值,而且有助于提高大众的福利水平。不少学者曾研究过民主制度与社会福利产出之间的关系。然而,在解释两者关系时并未得到一致性的结论。在很多情况下,民主制国家在改善人类发展指标和提高福利水平方面并没得到社会所期待的结果,而且经常被非民主制国家所超越。政治制度如何影响社会福利表现?民主化和社会福利发展之间是否存在取舍矛盾?如果这种取舍矛盾存在,如何将民主化的社会代价减到最小? ; 本研究试图加深我们对政治制度性质与社会福利产出水平之间关系的理解。为此,本文以维度路径分析政治制度的不同维度如何影响政府采取不同类型的政策选择。本文的核心问题是:民主制的哪些方面有利于/不利于哪种公共政策的实现?民主的不同维度能够促进/抑制哪些政策?竞争性选举和公众参与形成本研究的两个自变量维度。本研究应变量的两个维度是两种政府回应性:政府对公民基本需求(basic needs)的回应,即代表了社会福利表现的改进,以及政府对公民要求(wants and demands)的回应,即代表了满足群体所呼吁的而非客观上对其有利的政策福利。两者在概念上有所不同。本文首先在理论上分析自变量和应变量不同维度之间的关系,继而引用实证科学的定量和定性基本方法来检验所建立的理论关系。 ; 本研究证明,并非所有的导致回应要求(wants)的民主属性也有助于使政府回应基本需求(basic needs)。公众要求和公众客观需求作为公共政策所回应的目标具有不同的特征。从委托-代理理论框架来看,回应公众基本需求的政策需要政府采取不同于在回应主观要求时所采取的措施。由于这些不同点,在两个民主维度(政治竞争和公众参与)当中,只有后者对基本需求有积极影响,而前者往往会阻碍以回应基本需求为目的的政策。在政治竞争压力之下,追求选票最大化的政治家更倾向于采取回应社会现有要求的短期措施,且往往以忽视客观需求为代价。因此,为了避免民主化的高成本,需要促进民主的参与维度,且同时要缓解其竞争维度的激烈性。 ; The shift towards democracy globally under the "third wave" of democratization has stirred the conviction that democracy is not only a good thing in itself but also a promoter of general welfare. A considerable amount of research has been conducted to explore the effects of democracy on social outcomes. However, unequivocal conclusions regarding democracy's impact on health, education, life expectancy and other aspects of human well-being have not been achieved. Many democracies do not perform as good as they are expected to and are often outperformed by non-democratic regimes. Questions appear: How does political regime affect social performance? Is there a trade-off between democratization, on the one hand, and social development, on the other? If there is, how should democratization be carried out so as not to inhibit human well-being? ; This dissertation attempts to enhance our understanding of the impact of political regime on social outcomes by applying a dimensional approach. Instead of asking whether democracy is good or bad, it asks: which dimensions of political regime are good for which kinds of outcomes? What kinds of policies are promoted and what ...