Suchergebnisse

The education is one of the most important sectors in every country in the world. In the framework of higher education, the courses about European Union take more and more importance. This paper put the accent on the transmission of the idea of European unity in the European universities. It also tries to establish the position of European studies in the curricula.

"The end of the First World War opened up new ways towards the economic modernisation of East-Central European states, albeit the setbacks they experienced at the time proved to be major. The disparities between East and West were chiefly noticeable in Romania, whose figures regarding industrialisation exhibited a situation that was inferior even to that of certain countries in the region. The process of modernisation of the Romanian economy was decisively influenced by foreign capital, originating mostly from France, which gave rise to - the most prominent industrial branches." (publisher's description)

Chartism is considered as one of the first radical social movement of massive character in the nineteenth century Europe. Despite the fact that the movement lasted only several years it had a great influence on the political history of Great Britain, not only in the nineteenth century. The aim of this article is to present the history of the Chartist movement from the point of view of the social transformations observed in Great Britain during thirties and forties of the 19th century.

This article analyses the image of the three abrahamic religions in the recent political programs of the French Front National (2012 and 2017) in a comparative perspective with other successful populist radical right-wing parties in EU-Countries of continental Western and Northern Europe. It will be shown that even if there is a common tendency of representing Islam negatively and avoiding overt antisemitism, there are differences with regard to Judaism and/or Israel as well as to the weight of Christianity for the national and/or European culture, which have interesting parallels with the national discourse traditions and the particular radical right-wing history of these parties.

An overview of the liberation of colonized countries around the world in the 19th & 20th centuries traces the succession of European to US hegemony, examines postcolonial relations in Afro-Asiatic countries since the 1950s/1960s, looks at the rise in militarism in sub-Saharan Africa, & discusses Third World industrial armies & the importation of immigrant workers into European countries such as France & GB. It is argued that decolonization has led not to independence, but to economic hegemony, a situation in which the industrialized nations remain in control. Given the overlapping interests of various multinational companies, the term multinational imperialism is thought to best describe the postcolonial global situation. 3 References. C. Brennan

"Cruelty is a specific kind of human behaviour and has a clearly cultural dimension. It is often the result of passions and drives, accompanied by the breaking of taboos and a crossing of boundaries that cultures have raised to prevent the moral regression of mankind. Cruelty is also a "rational" way to acquire and stabilize political power. Both the atrocities themselves and the accusations of cruelty are instruments of power. The political efficiency of cruelty depends on the fear and awe, which it produces. Seneca regarded cruelty as the main attribute of tyranny. Through its imagery (like the bull of Phalaris) it breaks possible resistance and establishes despotism permanently. In the Middle Ages and Early Modern Times cruelty was considered a necessary evil in order to realize superior positive goals. So did the inquisitors, and so did Machiavelli who regarded cruelty not only as a means to the acquisition and preservation of power. The prince should also use cruelty to unify Italy and to build a stable and peaceful political order. Later, the understanding that cruelties are necessary to achieve good ends did not fall into oblivion, in spite of all criticism of Machiavelli's thought. In totalitarianism the aim of cruelty was not primarily the infliction of pain, but the abolition of individualism and the enforcement of the belief in a general law, which rules mankind. This could be either the law of history like during the French Revolution and in socialist states, or the 'natural law' of social Darwinism in the National Socialist and Fascist regimes. After the breakdown of totalitarianism and the triumph of liberal democracy the question arises, if cruelties are necessary components of all politics. Although we can still find cruel policies in liberal democracies (see Guantanamo Bay), at the same time the struggle against cruelty is vital in these systems and explains the dominance of the discourse on human rights." (author's abstract)

Over the past thirty years, new forms and mechanisms of governance have multiplied in the border regions of Europe. The French-German border has seemed to distinguish itself as an early adopter of new cooperation frameworks, often instigated by developments on the European level on the one hand and by bilateral national cooperation on the other hand. This paper delivers an analysis of French and German policies for territorial cooperation, and of the evolution of cross-border cooperation between the two countries. Taking the example of the Greater Region and the Upper-Rhine Region, we scrutinise two different representations of cross-border institutionalisation in-depth. We then discuss the renewed prospects for border regions stemming from the bilateral French-German Aachen Treaty. Following this analysis, we make use of three conceptual lenses - multi-level governance, soft spaces and interterritoriality - to reflect on the evolution of territorial cooperation across this border. In conclusion, our reflections on the French-German situation inspire recommendations for a next phase in the development of European cross-border cooperation.

Compares responses to the events of 11 September 2001 to Michel Houellebecq's novel, Extension du dumaine de la lutte, which describes a fictional people that destroy each other's livelihood. The focus is on the spread of mass fear & how 9/11 has reinforced the link between security & international migration, & led countries of North America & Western Europe to strengthen both border controls & the internal control of non-citizens. It is argued that the "securitization" of international migration in the West has resulted in a "clash of civilizations" that has reinforced cultural stereotypes. The historical evolution of migration as a security issue is traced & the migration-security nexus is explored as "an instance of symbolic politics viz. meta-politics in particular." Other issues discussed include the consequences of securitizing international migration; the need to include the study of the metapolitics of migration; & the importance of increasing awareness of both the import/export of conflicts through international migration & positive elements of immigration in order to remove fantasies about migrants as security threats. J. Lindroth

The situation, development lines and perspectives of small and medium-sized towns in Germany and France are compared and similarities and differences within the central place systems and the spatial planning of both countries are discussed. With different approaches to definition, these towns have received new attention in both countries in recent years, albeit with different focal points. The discussion covers the positions and lines of development of these towns in the respective central place systems; the perspectives of their future development regarding the strengthening of central place functions, their attractiveness as residential and economic locations, and contexts of rural regional development and services of general interest. In addition, aspects of research on small and medium-sized towns as well as approaches to spatial policy in both countries are addressed.

The evolution of city regions and metropolises in both countries illustrates the theoretical debates on this particular geographical object. Political legitimacy, significant autonomy and a 'relevant' territorial area should form the basis of these regions. But there is a long way to go from this theoretical vision to practice. In Germany, a slow and contingent bottom-up process can be observed, whereas in France, following a long history of intermunicipality, institutional metropolises are emerging (MAPTAM law of 2014). Metropolregionen and métropoles thus differ. Germany shows incomplete and variable forms of metropolitan organisation, whereas French metropolises are satisfied with simple criteria of competences and resources. However, these 'intermunicipal' métropoles (one exception: Lyon) can also be compared with the large German cities, which are highly individualised political entities, with the city-states (e. g. Hamburg) being the most extreme cases. Two examples, Frankfurt and Lille, illustrate the comparison.

There are examinated the aspects of practical realization of the principles of local autonomy and the particularities of the local public administration reform making in the Republic of Moldova. This study also analyses the correspondence between the rules laid down in national legislation on local autonomy and the European standards. The particularities and the consequences of creating the autonomous territorial unit with the special legal status - Gagauzia have been presented. The prerogatives of the People's Assembly of Gagauzia and in particular to adopt the "local laws" have been critically examined. There is no such category of "local laws" under the Constitution, in the Republic of Moldova. The constitutional text expressly provides that the laws can be: constitutional, organic and ordinary. The author mentions the fact that the areas where the Gagauz People's Assembly is empowered to adopt "local law" are regulated by organic laws. One insists on the fact that the local autonomy is a general principle of democratic administrative policy, whose application can not be subject to ethnic or other criteria. Local autonomy serves all citizens, provides more resources, and amplifies the local administration's initiative to improve the living standards. Using the principle of local autonomy as an opportunity to encourage the ethnic autonomy is a prerequisite for separatism and segregation, acts contrary to democratic society.