Suchergebnisse

This resource book for students introduces the main concepts of multilingualism and provides a wide range of definitions revealing the complex nature of the phenomenon. It also provides knowledge on historical developments, linguistic and cultural changes and emphasizes the historical relevance to the present situation in Europe. The documentation on the EU policy on multilingualism is critically evaluated while placing policy issues in the context of national and institutional perspectives. The resource book for students explores the economic value of languages and the impact of global English as well as the role of other "big" languages in Europe and the world. The case studies of different European countries/ cities provide deeper knowledge and develop understanding of political, educational, economic and socio-cultural aspects of multilingualism. These aspects are highlighted by examining cultural and socio-political factors that may influence or even determine minority/ migrant language loss, their development or maintenance. Finally, it provides an analysis of challenges for the educational sector and the schooling of multilingual children.

This resource book for students introduces the main concepts of multilingualism and provides a wide range of definitions revealing the complex nature of the phenomenon. It also provides knowledge on historical developments, linguistic and cultural changes and emphasizes the historical relevance to the present situation in Europe. The documentation on the EU policy on multilingualism is critically evaluated while placing policy issues in the context of national and institutional perspectives. The resource book for students explores the economic value of languages and the impact of global English as well as the role of other "big" languages in Europe and the world. The case studies of different European countries/ cities provide deeper knowledge and develop understanding of political, educational, economic and socio-cultural aspects of multilingualism. These aspects are highlighted by examining cultural and socio-political factors that may influence or even determine minority/ migrant language loss, their development or maintenance. Finally, it provides an analysis of challenges for the educational sector and the schooling of multilingual children.

This resource book for students introduces the main concepts of multilingualism and provides a wide range of definitions revealing the complex nature of the phenomenon. It also provides knowledge on historical developments, linguistic and cultural changes and emphasizes the historical relevance to the present situation in Europe. The documentation on the EU policy on multilingualism is critically evaluated while placing policy issues in the context of national and institutional perspectives. The resource book for students explores the economic value of languages and the impact of global English as well as the role of other "big" languages in Europe and the world. The case studies of different European countries/ cities provide deeper knowledge and develop understanding of political, educational, economic and socio-cultural aspects of multilingualism. These aspects are highlighted by examining cultural and socio-political factors that may influence or even determine minority/ migrant language loss, their development or maintenance. Finally, it provides an analysis of challenges for the educational sector and the schooling of multilingual children.

With the enlargement of the European Union, Europe is experiencing profound changes. All European nation states are going to face growing cultural and linguistic diversity. Therefore, considerable efforts to understand, respect, and sustain the very contrasts that make Europe so rich and complex will be required from all EU citizens. A specific feature of European cultural life is the ability to engage effectively with diversity. This engagement is linked to its basis in tradition and new developments.

With the enlargement of the European Union, Europe is experiencing profound changes. All European nation states are going to face growing cultural and linguistic diversity. Therefore, considerable efforts to understand, respect, and sustain the very contrasts that make Europe so rich and complex will be required from all EU citizens. A specific feature of European cultural life is the ability to engage effectively with diversity. This engagement is linked to its basis in tradition and new developments.

With the enlargement of the European Union, Europe is experiencing profound changes. All European nation states are going to face growing cultural and linguistic diversity. Therefore, considerable efforts to understand, respect, and sustain the very contrasts that make Europe so rich and complex will be required from all EU citizens. A specific feature of European cultural life is the ability to engage effectively with diversity. This engagement is linked to its basis in tradition and new developments.

Leadership in education is a reform of the education system that boosts creativity, promotes innovation and solidarity in pursuit of a common objective. A great emphasis on leadership in general education schools is placed not only in Western European countries but also Lithuania. Although one has to admit that here this phenomenon had not been investigated conclusively. Seeing that signs of innovation and leadership can already be perceived in general education schools, various theories and practices of leadership are still being researched and tested. In order to reach concrete and clear results, it is reasonable to analyse and underline the features of leadership in general education school through already available results on the prevailing directions. This communication, therefore, provides an overview of types of leadership (transformative, distributed and servant) in general education school and search for specific features of it. The aim – to set the direction of leadership in general education school. The object – leadership in general education school. The tasks: 1. Examine the scientific literature and documents on leadership in general education school and identify the main theoretical leadership directions. 2. Set the direction of leadership in the general education school of Lithuania. 3. Formulate recommendations on the development of leadership in a general education school of Lithuania. Methods: 1. The analysis of scientific literature and analysis of the national legislation with respect to the features of leadership. 2. Comparative analysis. 3. Quantitative analysis. Theoretical research showed that the leadership direction itself dominates in the basic legal acts governing the education system. Based on the analysis of the documents, it can be concluded, that transformative and distributed leaderships are the most pronounced in the general education school. They are characterized through collaboration and initiation and deployment of innovations. Empirical research showed that the prevailing directions of leadership are all: transformation, distributed and servant leadership.

Leadership in education is a reform of the education system that boosts creativity, promotes innovation and solidarity in pursuit of a common objective. A great emphasis on leadership in general education schools is placed not only in Western European countries but also Lithuania. Although one has to admit that here this phenomenon had not been investigated conclusively. Seeing that signs of innovation and leadership can already be perceived in general education schools, various theories and practices of leadership are still being researched and tested. In order to reach concrete and clear results, it is reasonable to analyse and underline the features of leadership in general education school through already available results on the prevailing directions. This communication, therefore, provides an overview of types of leadership (transformative, distributed and servant) in general education school and search for specific features of it. The aim – to set the direction of leadership in general education school. The object – leadership in general education school. The tasks: 1. Examine the scientific literature and documents on leadership in general education school and identify the main theoretical leadership directions. 2. Set the direction of leadership in the general education school of Lithuania. 3. Formulate recommendations on the development of leadership in a general education school of Lithuania. Methods: 1. The analysis of scientific literature and analysis of the national legislation with respect to the features of leadership. 2. Comparative analysis. 3. Quantitative analysis. Theoretical research showed that the leadership direction itself dominates in the basic legal acts governing the education system. Based on the analysis of the documents, it can be concluded, that transformative and distributed leaderships are the most pronounced in the general education school. They are characterized through collaboration and initiation and deployment of innovations. Empirical research showed that the prevailing directions of leadership are all: transformation, distributed and servant leadership.

Lithuanian authors have challenges to study Russia's politics of history. The analysis is complicated because of a few factors. Diplomatic disputes and informative wars between Lithuania and Russia concerning historical questions have encouraged researches by historians but not by political scientists. In Lithuania, the questions of who and how is forming the history politics of Russia, what is its content and the function it accomplishes, remain unexamined. The analysis is further complicated by disagreement among Russian political scientists, historians, journalists, and politicians over the existence of such politics. The present analysis demonstrates that post-soviet Russia perceives the importance of historical memory, i.e. it understands that historical memory and its forms depend on the states' politics. Russia's political history genesis testifies that trends of such politics depend on the geopolitical orientation of its government. The end of the Cold War did not manage to conceal the fundamental differences between Europe and Russia. The wave of liberalism and democracy, which spread over Central and Eastern Europe as well as Russian Federation, has caused tension in Russia ruled by B. Yeltsin. Yeltsin's Russia was not able to tackle this problem by using measures of history politics in order to lessen the distance between Russia and the West. V. Putin undertook to find the solution to this situation, and he did. By using changes of international politics, he builds the image of Russia as a great power. Politics of history are subordinated to build this image; also, it is used as an instrument in domestic politics. The history politics of Russia has taken the shape of a manipulative form and serves the interests of V. Putins's power.

Lithuanian authors have challenges to study Russia's politics of history. The analysis is complicated because of a few factors. Diplomatic disputes and informative wars between Lithuania and Russia concerning historical questions have encouraged researches by historians but not by political scientists. In Lithuania, the questions of who and how is forming the history politics of Russia, what is its content and the function it accomplishes, remain unexamined. The analysis is further complicated by disagreement among Russian political scientists, historians, journalists, and politicians over the existence of such politics. The present analysis demonstrates that post-soviet Russia perceives the importance of historical memory, i.e. it understands that historical memory and its forms depend on the states' politics. Russia's political history genesis testifies that trends of such politics depend on the geopolitical orientation of its government. The end of the Cold War did not manage to conceal the fundamental differences between Europe and Russia. The wave of liberalism and democracy, which spread over Central and Eastern Europe as well as Russian Federation, has caused tension in Russia ruled by B. Yeltsin. Yeltsin's Russia was not able to tackle this problem by using measures of history politics in order to lessen the distance between Russia and the West. V. Putin undertook to find the solution to this situation, and he did. By using changes of international politics, he builds the image of Russia as a great power. Politics of history are subordinated to build this image; also, it is used as an instrument in domestic politics. The history politics of Russia has taken the shape of a manipulative form and serves the interests of V. Putins's power.

Lithuanian authors have challenges to study Russia's politics of history. The analysis is complicated because of a few factors. Diplomatic disputes and informative wars between Lithuania and Russia concerning historical questions have encouraged researches by historians but not by political scientists. In Lithuania, the questions of who and how is forming the history politics of Russia, what is its content and the function it accomplishes, remain unexamined. The analysis is further complicated by disagreement among Russian political scientists, historians, journalists, and politicians over the existence of such politics. The present analysis demonstrates that post-soviet Russia perceives the importance of historical memory, i.e. it understands that historical memory and its forms depend on the states' politics. Russia's political history genesis testifies that trends of such politics depend on the geopolitical orientation of its government. The end of the Cold War did not manage to conceal the fundamental differences between Europe and Russia. The wave of liberalism and democracy, which spread over Central and Eastern Europe as well as Russian Federation, has caused tension in Russia ruled by B. Yeltsin. Yeltsin's Russia was not able to tackle this problem by using measures of history politics in order to lessen the distance between Russia and the West. V. Putin undertook to find the solution to this situation, and he did. By using changes of international politics, he builds the image of Russia as a great power. Politics of history are subordinated to build this image; also, it is used as an instrument in domestic politics. The history politics of Russia has taken the shape of a manipulative form and serves the interests of V. Putins's power.

Lithuanian authors have challenges to study Russia's politics of history. The analysis is complicated because of a few factors. Diplomatic disputes and informative wars between Lithuania and Russia concerning historical questions have encouraged researches by historians but not by political scientists. In Lithuania, the questions of who and how is forming the history politics of Russia, what is its content and the function it accomplishes, remain unexamined. The analysis is further complicated by disagreement among Russian political scientists, historians, journalists, and politicians over the existence of such politics. The present analysis demonstrates that post-soviet Russia perceives the importance of historical memory, i.e. it understands that historical memory and its forms depend on the states' politics. Russia's political history genesis testifies that trends of such politics depend on the geopolitical orientation of its government. The end of the Cold War did not manage to conceal the fundamental differences between Europe and Russia. The wave of liberalism and democracy, which spread over Central and Eastern Europe as well as Russian Federation, has caused tension in Russia ruled by B. Yeltsin. Yeltsin's Russia was not able to tackle this problem by using measures of history politics in order to lessen the distance between Russia and the West. V. Putin undertook to find the solution to this situation, and he did. By using changes of international politics, he builds the image of Russia as a great power. Politics of history are subordinated to build this image; also, it is used as an instrument in domestic politics. The history politics of Russia has taken the shape of a manipulative form and serves the interests of V. Putins's power.

The intensification of historical consciousness in 1988 encouraged the questioning of the remains of the Soviet epoch and the search for heroic examples in the remote history of the state. After the first memoirs were published during the first years of independence, various forms of social memory appeared: a list of memorable days and founding of new museums. But at the period of the rebirth the collective memory was more consensual. The reconstructed monuments of the prewar period became the products of collective memory, the ideological content of which equally satisfied both the post-Soviet elite, aiming for the legitimization, and the nation, thirsty for freedom. At that time the monuments became the instruments of the socio-political power used to legitimize authority, to construct individual and collective memory. The signs of the public places witnessed the configuring of heritage that helped to determine the spirit and direction of the newly established nation-state. Therefore it became a meaningful part of the politics of memory.

The intensification of historical consciousness in 1988 encouraged the questioning of the remains of the Soviet epoch and the search for heroic examples in the remote history of the state. After the first memoirs were published during the first years of independence, various forms of social memory appeared: a list of memorable days and founding of new museums. But at the period of the rebirth the collective memory was more consensual. The reconstructed monuments of the prewar period became the products of collective memory, the ideological content of which equally satisfied both the post-Soviet elite, aiming for the legitimization, and the nation, thirsty for freedom. At that time the monuments became the instruments of the socio-political power used to legitimize authority, to construct individual and collective memory. The signs of the public places witnessed the configuring of heritage that helped to determine the spirit and direction of the newly established nation-state. Therefore it became a meaningful part of the politics of memory.

The intensification of historical consciousness in 1988 encouraged the questioning of the remains of the Soviet epoch and the search for heroic examples in the remote history of the state. After the first memoirs were published during the first years of independence, various forms of social memory appeared: a list of memorable days and founding of new museums. But at the period of the rebirth the collective memory was more consensual. The reconstructed monuments of the prewar period became the products of collective memory, the ideological content of which equally satisfied both the post-Soviet elite, aiming for the legitimization, and the nation, thirsty for freedom. At that time the monuments became the instruments of the socio-political power used to legitimize authority, to construct individual and collective memory. The signs of the public places witnessed the configuring of heritage that helped to determine the spirit and direction of the newly established nation-state. Therefore it became a meaningful part of the politics of memory.