Polska i Niemcy w Europie (2004-2014): Różnice interesów - uwarunkowania i konsekwencje = Poland and Germany in Europe (2004-2014) : Divergent interests - conditionalities and consequences
In: Praca Instytutu Zachodniego, nr. 92
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In: Praca Instytutu Zachodniego, nr. 92
World Affairs Online
Today Europeanization is a notion that is frequently used; however, there is a clear shortage of, or even fragmentariness of scientific knowledge, within this scope. The research into the Europeanization processes were initiated by political scientists in the 1970s, although the notion itself only gained popularity in the 1990s alongside the realization of the commom European market. From that moment, Europeanization is a research problem that has attracted interest in numerous fields and scientific disciplines. David Floyd [2001, p. 109] emphasizes the fact that the majority of market changes which have occurred since the beginning of the twenty-first century took place as a result of Europeanization processes which are explicite, defined as the phenomenon of the regionalization processes. As Neil Fligstein [2009, p. 107] highlights, the "majority of the research concerning the European integration focuses only on political and legal processes (…) which is the reason for which researchers overlook the fact how deep the European economy has been reorganized". There are few works of the kind cited above, nor have there been many recent papers seeking to undertake broad and deep research into the Europeanization processes in both economic (including macro- and microeconomic fields) and noneconomic dimensions.
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Od początków rządów D. Camerona w Wielkiej Brytanii (2010) pogłębił się eurosceptycyzm, który doprowadził do polaryzacji społeczeństwa, referendum i Brexitu. Niemcy opowiadały się za pozostaniem Zjednoczonego Królestwa w UE, ale po wynikach referendum zapowiedziały twarde negocjacje na warunkach UE. Jednocześnie uznały, że stwarza to dobre perspektywy do pogłębienia współpracy w gronie 27 pozostałych państw. Największe problemy w negocjacjach koncentrują się wokół rozliczeń finansowych Londynu z Brukselą (ok. 60 mld euro), statusu obywateli Unii Europejskiej, zatrudnionych i przebywających na terenie Zjednoczonego Królestwa oraz granicy pomiędzy Irlandią Północną i Republiką Irlandii. Trudne rokowania dotyczą również kształtu nowej umowy handlowej pomiędzy Unią Europejską i Wielką Brytanią. ; Since the beginning of David Cameron's rule in the United Kingdom (2010) Eurosceptic sentiments have intensified, leading to a split in society, a referendum and, finally, Brexit. Germany was for the UK remaining in the EU, but after the referendum Germany announced the EU would negotiate hard to have its conditions met. Germany decided that Brexit provided favorable prospects for enhancing cooperation among the remaining 27 states. The most difficult negotiating items concern financial settlements between London and Brussels (ca. EUR 60 billion), the status of EU citizens employed and residing in the territory of the UK, and the North Ireland-Irish Republic border. The negotiations of a new trade agreement between the EU and the UK are also difficult.
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This paper is an attempt to analyse European leadership and the role played by a reunited Germany in the European Union. The author proposes five fundamental theses: 1) the reunification of Germany ruined the balance of power in Europe; 2) the Eastern enlargement of NATO and the EU has moved the zone of political and military influence of the USA to the line of the Bug river; 3) the Germans have confirmed their position as a European power; 4) the foreign policy of Angela Merkel is a continuation of Gerhard Schroder's policy, meaning a transfer of the focus from European policy to prioritising German national interests; 5) the German issue has remained open. ; This paper is an attempt to analyse European leadership and the role played by a reunited Germany in the European Union. The author proposes five fundamental theses: 1) the reunification of Germany ruined the balance of power in Europe; 2) the Eastern enlargement of NATO and the EU has moved the zone of political and military influence of the USA to the line of the Bug river; 3) the Germans have confirmed their position as a European power; 4) the foreign policy of Angela Merkel is a continuation of Gerhard Schroder's policy, meaning a transfer of the focus from European policy to prioritising German national interests; 5) the German issue has remained open.
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In: Wrocławskie studia politologiczne: czasopismo Instytutu Politologii Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, Heft 12, S. 259-263
ISSN: 1643-0328
Europe attracts and divides. It makes us dream, but it also has a reality with boundaries that shape our lives. What are the dynamics of integration? Whom does Europe sweep off their feet? Does European integration create community or does it lead to exclusion?
The system of protection of historical monuments in Poland, including Monuments of History, is not fully adapted to the political changes after 1989. An underestimated, important element of this system determining effective protection is professional architectural heritage management combining conservation with contemporary use of historical buildings. Interdependencies between conservation and non-conservation conditions force us to perceive the protection of monuments as a complex and interdisciplinary process – mutually correlated interactions on the historic object, in which conservation measures are the key, but not the only, activity. The organizational entirety of these activities is management. Monuments of History as the most valuable heritage should be a model of management of the national, historical resources. Fifteen years of experience of the Srebrna Góra (Silver Mountain) Fortress monument allow us to bring closer the objectives and complex conditions of related management activities as well as applications addressed to national authorities responsible for the protection of cultural heritage. ; System ochrony zabytków w Polsce, w tym pomników historii nie jest w pełni dostosowany do zmian ustrojowych po 1989 roku. Niedocenianym, istotnym elementem tego systemu determinującym skuteczną ochronę jest profesjonalne zarządzanie architektonicznym dziedzictwem łączące konserwację ze współczesnym użytkowaniem historycznych obiektów. Współzależności konserwatorskich i pozakonserwatorskich uwarunkowań wymuszają dziś postrzeganie ochrony zabytków jako złożonego i interdyscyplinarnego procesu – skorelowanych ze sobą oddziaływań na zabytkowy obiekt, w którym zabiegi konserwatorskie są kluczową, ale nie jedyną działalnością. Całością organizacyjną tych działań jest zarządzanie. Pomniki historii jako najcenniejsze dziedzictwo powinny być wzorem zarządzania dla krajowego, zabytkowego zasobu. Piętnastoletnie doświadczenia pomnika Twierdza Srebrna Góra pozwalają przybliżyć cele i złożone uwarunkowania powiązanych ze sobą działań zarządczych oraz wnioski adresowane do władz krajowych odpowiedzialnych za ochronę kulturowego dziedzictwa.
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In: The 2004 Aleksander and Alicja Hertz Annual Memorial Lecture no. 6
In: Studia politologiczne: Political science studies = Politologičeskie issledovanija, Heft 4/2023(70), S. 9-32
Transitions, democratization and recent democratic backsliding in CEE provide
a rich context for examining the meaning and shifting of civic activism and how people
participate and organize in civil society today. This article offers a fresh and comparative
analysis based on empirical data on the question of what motivates formal and informal
activism, and the potentially transformative role of civil society that has recently faced
such challenges as democratic backsliding, shrinking public space and polarization. It
looks specifically at the responses of Polish and Hungarian activists and advocacy CSOs
to these new challenges. Their strategies bring an important lesson on how civil society
actors can adapt, continue their mission, or even turn challenges into opportunities.
These new trends indicate that civic space in CEE is shifting which is further influenced
by the reactions to new forms of social, economic and political crises. It is argued that
this shift and the new trends in civic activism require not only fresh empirical data, but
also a revision of normative and methodological approaches that have so far been used
in civil society and social movement research.
In: Annotated legal documents on Islam in Europe Vol. 1
In: Interdisciplinary Polish studies 6
"Cultures in Times of Transition" explores how the transformations of the 1980s and 1990s affected everyday life for citizens on both sides of the Iron Curtain; how ideas of "the other" circulated before and after the fall of the wall; and what a future utopia looked like for citizens of the East. These contributions range from the history of agricultural change, urban studies, linguistics, and legal history. They mirror the broadness of questions concerning the transition, but also hint at the heterochronous nature of those transformations.
The authors describe the situation of Polish immigrant organisations in selected European countries (Germany, France, Great Britain, Ireland, Norway, Sweden, the Netherlands, Italy and Spain) on the basis of field research. Their aim is to explore and explain the conditions under which they operate. This seminal publication presents the first cross-disciplinary research on Polish immigrant organisations. It allows to compare and generalise, enabling the authors to formulate new theoretical proposals, which aim to build a model explaining the situation of immigrant organisations.
Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; The article compares migration and asylum policies of Poland and Germany with particular attention paid to the events of 2015. Although matters of migration policy do not cause disagreements in bilateral relations, the issue of refugees is potentially controversial. It is not, however, purely a matter of bilateral relations between Poland and Germany, but also those with European Union itself, whose responses to the crisis have been delayed and not very effective. The humanitarian crisis has now become a structural crisis and the solutions proposed by the Commission do not promise to be successful. Moreover, the agreement with Turkey so far has fallen short of expectations.
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