Suchergebnisse

U ovom radu prikazuje se razvoj političkih stranaka i opis političke atmosfere u Grubišnom Polju između dva svjetska rata. Raspadom Austro-Ugarske i stvaranjem jugoslavenske države 1918. godine neke stare političke stranke nastavile su svoje djelovanje u novim prilikama, ali su nastajale i nove političke stranke. U Grubišnom Polju kao izrazito multietničkom gradiću u kojem su većinu stanovništva činili Hrvati i Srbi te u manjem broju Mađari i Česi, artikuliranje njihovih političkih interesa i opredjeljenja bilo je vrlo slojevito. Kod hrvatskog stanovništva vrlo brzo uzima primat Hrvatska (pučka) seljačka stranka braće Radića, sa svojom seljačkom i republikanskom političkom sastavnicom i ideologijom, koju je zadržala do sloma Kraljevine Jugoslavije, dok je srpsko stanovništvo bilo podijeljeno u svom političkom odabiru. U početku je njihovo opredjeljenje bilo na strani Pribićevićeve Demokratske stranke (kasnije Samostalne demokratske stranke) da bi se usložnjavanjem političke situacije u državi (posebno zbog nerješavanja hrvatskog pitanja, ali i nagomilanih socijalnih i društvenih problema) njihove političke preferencije okrenule prema režimskim strankama s unitarističkim programom – Jugoslavenska nacionalna stranka (JNS) te Stojadinovićeva Jugoslavenska radikalna zajednica (JRZ). Svaka od ovih političkih organizacija stvarala je svoje društvene, socijalne i sportske organizacije u kojima je njihova ideologija bila važnija od rada tih organizacija. Dvije nacionalne zajednice – hrvatska i srpska – bile su dobro integrirane u tamošnju društvenu zajednicu i bez većih antagonizama i sukoba se odvijalo politički život. Ipak na marginama političkog života možemo pratiti začetke ekstremnih ideologija poput ustaškog pokreta, ustrojavanje četničkog udruženja i polako uzdizanje komunističkog pokreta i njegove ideologije. Ove do tada marginalne skupine u političkom smislu preuzet će političku pozornicu izbijanjem Drugog svjetskog rata u Kraljevini Jugoslaviji. U istraživanju se koristila izvorna arhivska građa iz Hrvatskog državnog arhiva u Zagrebu i Državnog arhiva u Bjelovaru, sekundarna literatura te nacionalni i regionalni tisak. ; This paper presents the development of political parties and describes the political atmosphere in Grubišno Polje between the two world wars. By the downfall of Austro-Hungary and the formation of the new Yugoslav state in 1918, some of the existing political parties continued to operate in the newly established circumstances. However, new political parties were formed too. In Grubišno Polje, a pronouncedly multi-ethnic town, in which the majority were the Croats and the Serbs, and the minority the Hungarians and the Czechs, articulating one's political interests and orientations was extremely complex. Among Croatian population, Croatian People's Peasant Party established by the Radić brothers very soon became the principal party thanks to its peasant-oriented and republican political component and ideology, which it held on until the downfall of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Serbian population was however not as united in its political choice. At first, the Serbs were on the side of Pribićević's Democratic Party (later Independent Democratic Party). However, as the political situation in the country grew more complex (in particular due to not solving Croatian issue, but also due to growing material and social problems), their political preferences were directed towards regime parties with unitarianist programme – Yugoslav National Party and Stojadinović's Yugoslav Radical Union. Each of these political organizations formed its social and sports organizations, in which the ideology played an important role, being an immanent part thereof. The two national communities – Croatian and Serbian – were well integrated in the social community, and political life proceeded with no major antagonism or conflicts. Nevertheless, the beginnings of extremist ideologies may be followed on the margins of political life – for instance the Ustasha movement, the establishment of the Chetnik association, as well as gradual rising of the communist movement and its ideology. These groups, until that time marginal, had taken over the political scene when World War Two burst out in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. In this research, original archival materials from Croatian State Archives in Zagreb and State Archives in Bjelovar, secondary literature, as well as national and regional press were used.

U članku se uspoređuju politike povijesti Drugoga svjetskog rata u Estoniji i Hrvatskoj poslije državnog osamostaljenja. Pokazujući kako su estonski i hrvatski nacionalno-integracijski procesi dominantno bili obilježeni "potragom" za samostalnom državom, temeljna je teza članka da revizionističko sjećanje na estonske i hrvatske osovinske borce kao na "borce za naciju i državu" opstaje zbog isključivog shvaćanja Sovjetskog Saveza i Jugoslavije kao velikoruske odnosno velikosrpske "tamnice" estonskoga i hrvatskog naroda. Iako službeno sjećanje u objema zemljama ističe europsko antifašističko nasljeđe, oklijevanje vlasti u odmicanju od ekskluzivističkih državotvornih politika povijesti potiče pozitivnu interpretaciju estonskoga i hrvatskog fašizma. Autori zaključno prikazuju razlike među dvjema zemljama te upućuju na pogubnost aktualnih europskih politika spram totalitarizma kao obrasca suočavanja s Drugim svjetskim ratom, a koje Estoniju i Hrvatsku još više udaljuju od suočavanja s prošlošću. ; This article offers a comparison of the politics of history of WWII in Estonia and in Croatia after their independence. Following an introduction demonstrating how Estonian and Croatian national integrative processes were predominantly marked by their "pursuit" of independency, the main thesis is exposed – that the revisionist memory of Estonian and Croatian Axis fighters as "fighters for the nation and the state" has survived primarily due to the exclusivist understanding of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia as the Greater-Russian or Greater-Serbian "dungeons" of Estonian and Croatian people, respectively. Although the official historical memory in both countries highlights the European anti-fascist heritage, the authorities' reluctance to move away from the exclusive statehood politics of history serves to promote a positive interpretation of Estonian and Croatian fascism. The authors in conclusion depict the differences between the two countries and warn of the fatal consequences of the current European policies towards totalitarianism as a pattern for dealing with World War II, which are pushing Estonia and Croatia further away from facing the past.

Većina europskih zemalja prije samog početka Drugoga svjetskog rata nije započela s nasilnijim pokušajima asimilacije, kakav je već bio u tijeku u nacističkoj Njemačkoj. Izbijanjem Drugoga svjetskog rata i širenjem nacističkog utjecaja na mnoge europske zemlje, bilo izravno kao okupirane, ili posredno kao države – saveznice, započeli su se provoditi neki dijelovi nacističkog anticiganističkog modela odnosa prema Romima. Analizom u ovom radu biti će obuhvaćen odnos srednjoeuropskih vlasti, poput mađarskih, hrvatskih, čehoslovačkih i poljskih, prema romskom manjinskom stanovništvu za vrijeme Drugog svjetskog rata. Poseban dio analize će se usredotočiti na pitanje da li su i u kojoj mjeri nacističke vlasti utjecale na odnos navedenih državnih vlasti prema Romima. ; Up to the World War II in most European countries there were no violent assimilation attempts like those that had already been in progress in Nazi Germany. With the beginning of World War II and the spreading of Nazi influence on many European countries, either directly because of occupation, or indirectly as ally countries, some parts of Nazi anti-Roma model started to be implemented. The analysis of this paper deals with Central European governments such as Hungarian, Croatian, Czechoslovak and Polish and their attitude to minority Roma population during World War II. A separate part of analysis focuses on the question whether and to which extent Nazi government had an impact on the attitude of the abovementioned governments to the Roma.

This article deals with the history of the Croatian Left in the last 70 years with special emphasis on its role during WWII. The author analyzes the national policy of the Croatian Left toward Croats & Croatia in the second Yugoslav state & highlights numerous positive attempts at solving the Croatian national question. He goes on to point out the difficulties that the Croatian Left had to face in achieving the desired aims. The unsatisfactory solution for the Croatian question in the second Yugoslavia was the cause of constant friction & of the disintegration of the Yugoslav federation. The author is of the opinion that the Croatian leftist parties should not repeat the same mistakes & harbor illusions of a Yugoslav community, which has always been extremely detrimental to Croatian nationalist interests. Adapted from the source document.

The author presents Vico's & Hegel's theory that without a state, there is no historical nation. According to Vico, world history is the process in which the rulers of the strongest & most ethical-politically virtuous replace one another. For Hegel, history crystallizes into rational principles that become the basis for customs & the national advancement of the society. Certain nations become the carriers of world history as they take more seriously freedoms in the state. The author suggests that modern understanding of history should not forget Hegel's concept of practical wisdom. For this reason also, Croatia is not obliged to accept the international pragmatists' dictation, but Croatia's ties to the West must be based on principles of truth & justice. Adapted from the source document.

The focus of this research is on Finland's role in Soviet Union's calculation of its foreign policy between 1920 and 1930. This was the first decade of both Finnish independence and of Soviet power in Russia. This book answers questions about the objectives of Soviet foreign policy in Finland, on the contacts used by the Soviet legation to obtain information, and on how well the Soviets understood Finland's objectives. People interested in Finland and in Russian perspectives with regards to foreign policy and neighbouring countries will find much new in this book because it relies on formerly unpublished Russian archival material to form the basis for charting Soviet objectives in Finland. The book shows that the Soviets primarily observed Finland in a larger regional context along with other states on its borders in the Baltic Sea region. The global objectives of the revolution and the Soviet Union, but also the domestic political situation in both countries, are reflected on this framework. The period was characterized by forced collectivization in the Soviet Union and, in Finland, by the rise of the right-wing Lapua Movement that emerged at the onset of the Great Depression, laying the foundations for the most severe crisis in the relations during 1929–1930 when the issues surrounding these events destabilized simultaneously the society and political decision-making in both countries

The author looks into the Germanic ideas of Central Europe until the end of World War One. First, he reviews different meanings of the term "Central Europe" & its omission or inclusion in encyclopedias & lexicons. Then he goes on to describe the concepts of Central Europe by German & Austrian thinkers, who define it as various ways of political, cultural, & economic organization of the Central European region. The Germanic ideas of Central Europe tried to politically link the divided German ethnos, protect it from the influence of the "decadent" West & create a bulwark towards Russia. The author concludes that the underlying base of the Germanic ideas of Central Europe is German history as a "special path" (der Sonderweg). That is why they are grounded in romanticism & the rebuttal of liberal & democratic values, ensuing from the fatuity of German bourgeoisie. These ideas were proselytized with the intention of securing for the young nation its exclusive space, Central Europe, & ensuring its place in world history. Adapted from the source document.

With the new concept that he invented and promoted - 'Life-World' ('Lebenswelt') - Husserl for the first time in the history of philosophy problematized something that had not been seen as a particular problem before him. The world, as something primary and self-evident, was simply overlooked as a problem. This is the result of the fact that we forever live in some world, and the world is thus for us always something self-evident. It is thus an unquestioned area full of our many questions and considerations. This is so because all our academic achievements have been made within the Life-World: they receive meaning from it. Husserl's main aim was to understand this self-evidentness, with which we have always been viewing the world's Sein. It is from this position that we establish the existence of the 'world as it is', the one which we live in. Thus, all interpretations - whether they are myths, or science, or philosophy - are grounded in the Life-World, and they return and belong explicitly or implicitly into this concrete World. The aim of phenomenology is to interpret and analyse this self-evidentness of the essence of the concrete World, and this is what Husserl tries to do through the idea of one ontology of the Life-World. Adapted from the source document.