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ABSTRACTThis article is based on mixed‐method field research in Adimalathura, a coastal village in south Kerala, India, which has been identified as one of the poorest communities in the area. Although this fishing community has been facing severe ecological challenges, including massive resource depletion, it has been able to put up stiff resistance to impending dispossession in the face of a large port project actively promoted by the government, most major political parties and globalized capital. This article traces the history of public action and work in Adimalathura since the early 20th century, and reflects on its significance in the context of the present resistance. It examines the role of women in bolstering the community in times of severe challenges to men's livelihoods, and highlights the importance of women's provisioning work. Ultimately, the author cautions against exaggerating community strength and the capacities of the women even when they are able to utilize available resources competently.

ABSTRACTThis article examines two narratives on the subject of child undernutrition in India espoused by competing sides of the policy elite. It argues that undertaking narrative policy analysis in a structured fashion helps to elucidate a clearer sense of the underlying positions within this important area of development discourse. India's high rates of child undernutrition have become a battleground of positions on the country's growth trajectory, revealing of the wider assumptions, ideologies and manifestations of power of the various actors espousing particular positions. Recent debates have brought into focus not only the contestation of various causalities and remedies, but also the politics of measurement, data and their interpretation. The results of this analysis are relevant elsewhere in their illumination of the politically public nature of technocratic debates on nutrition and the way in which this public discourse extends beyond the immediate topic to wider ideological divisions and assumptions on growth, equity and recent history.

Yulia Komska, The Icon Curtain: The Cold War's Quiet Border (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2015).
Reviewed by Jeffrey Luppes, World Language Studies, Indiana University South BendRobert C. Holub, Nietzsche's Jewish Problem: Between Anti-Semitism and Anti-Judaism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2016).
Reviewed by Klaus Berghahn, German, University of Wisconsin, MadisonStephen F. Szabo, Germany, Russia, and the Rise of Geo-economics (New York: Bloomsbury Academic, 2015)
Reviewed by Meredith Heiser-Duron, Political Science, Foothill CollegeJuan Espindola, Transitional Justice after German Reunification: Exposing Unofficial Collaborators (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015).
Reviewed by Sara Jones, Modern Languages, University of BirminghamJost Hermand, Das Liebe Geld! Eigentumsverhältnisse in der deutschen Literatur (Cologne: Böhlau, 2015)
Reviewed by Klaus L. Berghahn, German, University of Wisconsin, MadisonSimon Ward, Urban Memory and Visual Culture in Berlin: Framing the Asynchronous City, 1957-2012 (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2016).
Reviewed by Marcus Colla, History, University of Cambridge

This review essay identifies major monographs about the study of government and political institutions in Canada published in English over the past 50 years. Our review is woven around a general argument that key books about Canadian political life have mirrored the evolution of the discipline in the country as a whole. For instance, important books on federalism were written at turning points in Canada's constitutional history, while the recent uptick in social diversity and political communication studies mirrors broader societal trends. Equally, greater diversity in hiring within the academy has contributed to a broadening of subject matter, perspectives, methodologies and authorship. Thus, we explore the intersection between scholarship and society, with political scientists and their books as much products of their time as they have been contributors to the evolution of the political world around them. The sources that we identify have given shape to the study and practice of Canadian domestic politics.

Is the 1989–1991 frame of understanding still relevant? Did history already throw away the empty bottles of the 1991 celebrations? Et que reste-t-il de nos amours? With this series of articles and a comment, we set out to explore the ways in which European societies, and Europe itself, differ from what had been hoped and designed in the years 1989–1991. The contributions included put the emphasis on the different horizons of expectation and realms of experience that have their roots in 1989–1991, exploring whether this period continues to define individuals, societies and historical representations of Eastern Europe and beyond. We thus reflect on the relevance of the study of past expectations in order to understand what has happened during the last decades around us, promising new directions of research regard- ing social transformation, political rhetoric, collective memory and how historical and personal narratives match or contradict.

This article explores whether national political agendas influenced the content of domestic and foreign television news media coverage of the 2011 Israel–Hamas Gilad Shalit prisoner exchange deal. The deal, which released Israeli soldier Shalit in exchange for 1,027 prisoners, is the largest prisoner exchange agreement in Israeli history for a single live soldier, but the third largest prisoner exchange agreement as a whole. A quantitative content analysis was conducted on 2,162 news reports from five international and national news networks – BBC, CNN, Fox and Israel's Channels 1 and 2. The findings suggest important differences in the way foreign and national news networks cover controversial political events. Findings reveal that Israeli networks strongly aligned themselves with the government's position, while the BBC provided the most balanced coverage. Prominent differences were found between the two US channels – CNN and Fox News. This work builds on a growing body of research on media framing of political events.

The UK Conservative government has committed to increasing funding for domestic violence and abuse (DVA) services in England but this has not been extended to Wales. Wales has however made clear commitments to developing these services, through the Violence against Women, Domestic Abuse and Sexual Violence (Wales) Act 2015. This article draws on focus groups and interviews with fifty-three service users and thirty-one purposively selected service providers to explore their perspectives on Violence Against Women (VAW) service provision in Wales. There are clear shared priorities and some tensions between service user and provider perspectives on appropriate services. Drawing on the long history of intermediate co-production in VAW services, the article argues that co-production at the strategic level is now needed. This would provide an arena for resolving tensions, setting standards and developing funding criteria to enable co-produced VAW policy and build resistance to funding cuts.

<div><p><em><span>Opening of new branch in every village is uneconomical for any traditional bank. Transactions through mobile phones may cover a low cost platform for basic banking services to every rural or urban citizen. India's domestic remittance market is more than Rs. 900 Billions. The payment banks play a vital role in implementing the government's direct benefit transfer scheme, where subsidies on healthcare, education and gas are paid directly to beneficiaries' accounts. Keeping in mind the government's unwavered digital drive target, customers shifting from cash transactions to operating their accounts on their mobile phone, this paper discusses the objectives of primary banks, its history and services rendered by it. This paper also focuses on m-Banking, the Department of Posts, Pradhan Mantri Jan-Dhan Yojana and the India Post Payments Banks.</span></em></p></div>

AbstractIn 1994, the feminist journalist Katie Roiphe published a book titled The Morning After in which she argues that the women's movement had become obsessed with victimization. With many of her case examples centered on campus sexual politics, Roiphe laments college women's demands for the very forms of patriarchal protections that second‐wave feminists fought to overturn. In the two decades since the publication of this book, campus activists have gained considerable ground in bringing sexual assault into public awareness, insisting (contra Roiphe) that victims have been all too silent. This article presents an appraisal of this historical legacy and draws out key lessons to be learned from the history of feminist organizing around sexual assault on campuses. The author explains how radical, liberal, and socialist feminist politics offer different lenses for framing sexual assault and discusses the value of a psychoanalytic feminist optics for thinking through dilemmas at the level of political practice.

In May 1953, a group of Lyon's political and social leaders hosted a series of Ramadan celebrations in honour of the region's growing Muslim North African migrant population. While it seems strange that civil authorities in the secular French Republic would publically observe a Muslim holiday, the French Empire had, for decades, engaged in activities to promote Muslim attachment to France and demonstrate its support for Muslim cultural and religious practices. From declarations that France was a 'Muslim power' through the campaigns of the Algerian War, the French consistently waived the ideals of strict laïcité in order to strengthen the imperial system. This pragmatic willingness to relax secular positions when greater state interests were at stake contrasts with contemporary claims that the Republic can make no accommodations to Islam or its observance. More importantly, this history proves that there are strong French precedents for allowing the Republic to make space for its Muslim citizens.

New penal technologies, however innovative, rarely emerge fully formed, but we currently lack a theoretical appreciation of the lengthy, messy process by which penal innovations develop. Indeed, most studies of penal change focus on the conditions surrounding the emergence of a particularly successful innovation, a model of punishment whose widespread diffusion is indicative of significant change. This paper extends our analytical focus by examining the legacy of an innovation's prehistory, the ideational period in which an idea is created at the margins of criminal justice before manifesting on a wider scale. This paper traces the history, and influence, of American uses of penal incarceration before Pennsylvania's famous Walnut Street Prison, often referred to as the country's first prison. This prehistory complicates the notion of innovation by identifying significant precursors. Ultimately, recognizing penal innovations' prehistory challenges macro-level theories of penal change, which largely overlook those causes that significantly predate the "moment" of innovation.

AbstractThis article analyses Macedonia's Colourful Revolution and elections of 2016 against the background of the criticism and protests directed against the Skopje 2014 Project. It also provides a photographic reportage of Skopje 2014 during the political turmoil from July 2016. It examines the main grounds for resistance and opposition to Nikola Gruevski's VMRO-DPMNE government by further investigating the controversies surrounding Skopje 2014. Those controversies are manifold but stem mainly from the project's tremendous cost and corruption, its controversial rewriting of history and its exclusion of Albanians and other minorities. Finally, the article argues that the Colourful Revolution has until now failed to overturn or decisively upset Macedonia's politics or political system, as is evident from election results there. However, it has borne fruit in one respect in that two Albanian MPs have been included in the Social Democratic Union of Macedonia (SDSM), a tentative step towards overcoming the ethnic deadlock of Macedonian politics.

Since its early origins, just war discourse has had two contrasting functions: it has sought to speak law and morals to power, and thus to restrain the use of force, but it has also served to authorize and legitimize the use of force. Critical voices have recently alerted to the increasing use of authorization and legitimization in a broader context of hegemonic and unilateral appropriations of just war discourse. In this article, I show that such critiques of just war have a long history, and reconstruct the powerful challenge that two of the foremost international jurists of the Enlightenment—Christian Wolff and Emer de Vattel—mounted against early modern accounts of just war. Their neglected theory of "regular war" helps us to recover a sense of what a truly pluralist and anti-hegemonic doctrine of ius ad bellum may look like, and reveals a deep tension in the just war tradition between the criteria of political authority and just cause.

AbstractThis article focuses on China's initial encounter with the African continent from the perspective of a select literature overview. It reflects on the very earliest contacts between dynastic China and ancient Africa and shows that the current contestation in the Western media as well as literature over this more recent contact is not new. Given the dearth and disparate nature of the information on these first encounters, it does this through the lens of what has been written on the subject of the speculated first contact in a selection of secondary English-language literature. It does so by considering the prevalence of such literature in three distinct periods: prior to 1949; from 1950 to 1990; and a selection of research published thereafter. It shows that China's encounter with Africa reaches far back into the history of the continent, but more importantly so does the volatile contestation surrounding the contemporary contact.