Suchergebnisse

This paper will assess the results of transition in the Yugoslav successor states using objective and subjective criteria. Four objective criteria related to economic growth will be used to compare economic performance in Yugoslavia and its successor states; 1. Speed of recovery after war/change in system, 2. Absolute growth rates, 3. Relative growth rates, 4. Place in world development. This will be supplemented by a survey of public opinion conducted by the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development.All the four objective criteria show that the Yugoslav economy performed much better than the economies of its successor states. The survey shows that only 20 percent of population are happy with the results of transition in South Eastern European countries, while 64 percent are unhappy and 16 percent are undecided. In the former Yugoslavia much less than 20 percent of population are happy with the changes brought by the transition.

Зборник "Етнологија Срба у Мађарској: стање и перспективе" садржи радове са научног скупа који је под истим називом одржан 19. и 20. новембра 2010. године у Будимпешти, у организацији Српског института из Будимпеште и суорганизацији Етнографског института САНУ и Народносне секције Мађарског етнографског друштва. Овај скуп је замишљен као први у низу скупова посвећених различитим научним областима за које се сматра да су од највећег интереса за заједницу Срба у Мађарској (етнологија, лингвистика, историја и друштвене науке – социологија, политикологија, право), које ће организовати Српски институт (основан 2009. године) да би се добио преглед стања, уочили недостаци и одредили приоритети за даље истраживачке пројекте. Циљ скупа био је, дакле, критичко сумирање укупних досадашњих резултата етнолошког и етнографског рада међу Србима у Мађарској. На њему је било 17 учесника из Мађарске и Србије. У оквиру скупа, одржан је и округли сто, чији је циљ био разговор о потребама и могућностима организације даљих истраживања. ; The volume Ethnology of Serbs in Hungary: Situation and Perspectives contains papers from the scientific conference held under the same title on November 19th and 20th, 2010 in Budapest, in organization of the Serbian Institute from Budapest and co-organization of the Institute of Ethnography SASA and the Nationalities Section of the Hungarian Ethnographic Society. The conference was envisaged as the first in a serial of conferences devoted to various academic disciplines considered as highly interesting for the Serbian community in Hungary (ethnology, linguistics, history and social sciences – sociology, political science, law), to be organized by the Serbian Institute (established in 2009) in order to obtain an overview of the situation, to detect the flaws and define the priorities for further research projects. The aim of the conference was, therefore, a critical summary of the overall results of ethnologic and ethnographic work among Serbs in Hungary. There were 17 participants from Hungary and Serbia. On the same occasion a round table was held as well, aimed at discussing the needs and possibilities for organization of further research. ; A magyarországi szerbek etnológiája: helyzetkép és távlatok c. kiadvány az azonos címmel, 2010. november 19-20-án Budapesten, a budapesti Szerb Intézet szervezésében és a Szerb Tudományos és Művészeti Akadémia Néprajzi Intézetének, valamint a Magyar Néprajzi Társaság Nemzetiségi Szakosztályának társszervezésében megtartott tudományos konferencia előadásait tartalmazza. A tanácskozás annak a konferenciasorozatnak az első tagja, amelyet a 2009-ben alapított Szerb Intézet szándékai szerint azoknak a tudományágaknak fognak szentelni, melyek a legnagyobb érdeklődésre tarthatnak számot a magyarországi szerb közösség részéről (etnológia, nyelvészet, történelem és társadalomtudományok – szociológia, politológia, jogtudomány). E konferenciasorozat megszerevzésére annak érdekében kerül sor, hogy áttekintést nyerjenek e tudományágak magyarországi szerbeket érintő kutatásainak mai helyzetéről, feltárják a hiányosságokat és meghatározzák a prioritásokat a további kutatások terén. A konferencia célja így az volt, hogy a magyarországi szerbek körében végzett etnológiai és néprajzi kutatások eddigi eredményeit kritikailag összegezze. A tanácskozáson 17 előadó szerepelt Magyarországról és Szerbiából. A konferencia keretében kerekasztal megbeszélésre is sor került, melynek célja a további kutatásokra vonatkozó igények és lehetőségek megvitatása volt. ; Зборник радова Етнографског института САНУ 29 / Collection of Papers of the Institute of Ethnography SASA 29

Već više od dve godine traje velika pan-evropska debata o Budućnosti evropske socijal-demokratije (2009-2011) kao pokušaj odgovora na izazove globalne krize, ali i na duboku i dugotrajnu krizu same socijal-demokratije. Dok su tokom 2000. godine socijal-demokrati bila na vlasti u većini evropskih zemalja (11 od 15 članica EU ), danas vladaju u samo nekoliko perifernih zemalja Evrope (4 od 27 članica EU u 2011). Iako u nekoliko velikih zemalja još uvek privlače 20-30% birača, odnosno poseduju koalicioni kapacitet i za osvajanje vlasti, ipak je marginalizacija ključni trend. U traganju za vlastitim identitetom, novom paradigmom, pan-evropska debata problematizuje ključne teme i izazove naše civilizacije, kao što su globalizacija, logika kapitalizma i njegove moguće reforme, smisao i značaj Evropske Unije. Ova debata ponovo vraća u javni diskurs i niz ključnih koncepata na kojima se gradi zamisao o 'dobrom društvu', kao što su društvene vrednosti, kultura, značaj srednje klase i ekološka i socijalna održivost. ; We are in the third year of the pan-european debate on the future of European Social Democracy (ESD). It is a response to the challenges of the global economic crisis, but also a response to the deep internal crisis within the ESD. While the social democrats were in power in the majority of European countries in the year 2000 (11 of 15 EU members), they are rulling parties in only few peripheral countries in 2011 (4 of 27 EU countries). Althouth they are still able to attact 20-30% of voters, and with toghether with their partners are even able to form goverments in some countries, their margananalization is a major trend. This is not only because of electoral defeats, but it is due to membership decline, shaken ties with trade unions, lack of an alternative program in a situation when neoliberalism is shaken and political actors have searching for new formulae. In a search of their own identity, new paradigm and attractive program, pan-european debate critically analyze key issues and challenges of our civilization, such as globalization, nature of capitalism and its possible reforms, meaning and importance of the EU , the role of government regarding markets. This debate has brouth back into public discourse many important concepts that constitute the idea of 'good society,' such as social values (equailty, solidarity, social justice), buth also importance of culture, middle class, and social and environmental sustainability.

The paper discusses the approaches of different media to Holocaust (re)presentation, with special reference to art music in the 20th century. Following the classification proposed by Michael Rothberg on two possible perspectives for representing the Holocaust: realistic and anti-realist (2000), we analyse two compositions: Arnold Schoenberg's A Survivor From Warsaw (1947) and Steve Reich's Different Trains (1988). The aim of the paper is to point out how artistic music reflects and participates in the dominant historical and contemporary discourses of Holocaust representation, especially the discourses of "heroism" and "non-representability". ; У раду се разматрају приступи различитих медија представљању Холокауста, с посебним освртом на уметничку музику у 20. веку. Пратећи поделу коју Мајкл Ротберг (Michael Rothberg) предлаже на два гледишта на могућности представљања Холокауста: реалистичко и антиреалистичко (2000), анализирамо дела A Survivor From Warsaw (1947) Арнолда Шенберга и Different Trains (1988) Стива Рајша. Циљ рада је да укаже на то како уметничка музика рефлектује и партиципира у доминантним историјским и савременим дискурсима представљања и разумевања Холокауста, посебно дискурса "херојства" и "неизрецивости".

Rad prikazuje istorijski razvoj žanra političko-satirične poezije u formi uspavanke u srpskoj književnosti. Kako žanr satirično-političke uspavanke do sada nije sistematski proučavan, teorijski okvir odredile su studije o prepevima Ljermontovljeve "Kozačke uspavanke" u ruskoj književnosti. Prepev, parodija i satira glavna su obeležja ove poezije, pri čemu žanrovski markeri uspavanke dobijaju ironično značenje. Satirični efekat ostvaren je na planu negativne simbolike sna ili uspavanosti u sferi građanskog iskustva, čime se u stvari poziva na buđenje svesti povodom situacije predstavljene u pesmi. U srpsku književnost ovaj žanr uvodi Jovan Jovanović Zmaj sa pesmama "Uspavno-ustavna pesma" i "Samo mirno". Najpre se posmatra njihov odnos prema srpskim narodnim uspavankama, a zatim prema satiričnim uspavankama iz ruske i nemačke književnosti pisaca koje je Zmaj prevodio: Nekrasovljeva "Uspavanka" i "Pesma Jeremuški", "Uspavanka" G. Hervega, "Uspavanka" A.H. Falerslebena i "Laku noć" A. Glasbrenera. Preostale dva pesme ovog žanra koje nalazimo u srpskoj književnosti analiziraju se kao direktno nastavljanje Zmajeve tradicije pri čemu se opaža depoetizacija žanra. Na kraju rada ukazano je na dezintegraciju žanra u poeziji sa početka 20. veka.

Рад је осмишљен као преглед изведених дела Опере Народног позоришта у Београду у периоду осме и девете деценије 20. века. У то време Опера је настојала да одговори на тадашњу културну политику у контексту југословенског самоуправног социјализма, суочавајући се са бројним изазовима као што су питање извођаштва и радне дисциплине. Циљ рада је да се прикаже репертоарска политика поменуте институције, као и рецепција оперских представа у дневним новинама "Политика". ; The paper represent an overview of the performed works of the Opera of the National Theater in Belgrade during the eighth and ninth decades of the 20th century. At that time, the Opera sought to respond to the cultural policy of the time in the context of Yugoslav self-management socialism, facing many challenges such as the issue of performance and work discipline. The aim of the paper is to present the repertoire policy of the mentioned institution as well as the reception of the opera performances in the daily newspaper Politika. ; Научни скуп одржан од 12. до 14. априла 2019. године у Бања Луци.

In the essence, the problem of eco-economic (economic and environmental) development is reduced to the problem of choosing concrete protection mechanisms and measurement heights achieved economic, and environmental, social and institutional (sustainable) development. This opens up the question of measuring the economic problems, but also each other prosperity of society, because they set goals, benchmarks and parameters to be taken into account are different, depending on what needs to be done measuring the degree of development. This mechanism of measuring economic development, set 30-s of the 20 th century, more and more often is criticized modern economists such as Joseph Stiglitz, who report that in the modern global business development of the country should be measured by a broader set of indicators. For these reasons, the European Commission in cooperation with the European Parliament, the OECD, the Club of Rome and the World Wide Fund (WWF), in 2007. organized International Conference - Beyond GDP Conference. In this sense, in addition to GDP, significant measures have been introduced for economic development and other indicators of well-known as an Enlarged GDP. The aim of this paper is to present the fundamental differences between GDP and GDP Enlarged indicators in calculation methodology that takes into consideration and certain other elements apart from consumption, investment and export levels. .

Тематски Зборник Свакодневна култура у постсоцијалистичком периоду настао је као резултат научне сарадње Етнографског института САНУи Етнографског института и музеја БАН. Велике политичке и друштвене промене током деведесетих година 20.века озбиљно су се одразиле на свакодневну културу балканских земаља. Управо у периоду кризе, две суседне етнолошке установе, бугарска и српска, које више деценија током социјалисатичког периода нису сарађивале, отпочеле су заједнички рад на истраживању свакодневне културе. Зборник показује у ком правацу су се одвијали културни процеси у Србији и Бугарској, које су сличности и разлике међу њима, али и шта се дешава у постсоцијалистичком периоду у појединим сегментима свакодневне култура Словака, Руса и Македонаца. ; The Collection of Papers entitled ―Everyday Culture in post-socialist period is a result of collaboration between the Institute of Ethnography, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, and the Institute of Ethnography and Museum, Bulgarian Academy of Sciences. The enormous political and social changes during the 1990's influenced also everyday culture of the Balkans states. After decades of hinder, and precisely in the period of crisis, two neighboring ethnological institutions, the Bulgarian and Serbian, started to cooperate together in the study of everyday culture.The Collection of Papers demonstrates the directions of the cultural processes in Serbia and Bulgaria, accentuating the differences and similarities among the two states, and also explains the deeds within certain segments of everyday cultures of Slovaks, Russians and Macedonians. ; Зборник радова Етнографског института САНУ 22 / Collection of Papers of the Institute of Ethnography SASA 22

U radu su predstavljeni rezultati kvalitativne analize i komparacije relevantnih sadržaja ključnih obrazovno-političkih dokumenata međunarodnih i evropskih organizacija (UNESCO, OECD, Savet Evrope i Evropska Unija) iz dva perioda razvoja koncepta celoživotnog učenja koji se odnose na nastavnike. Rezultati kvalitativnog istraživanja su prikazani kroz sledeće kategorije: uloga i funkcije nastavnika, selekcija budućih nastavnika, inicijalno i kontinuirano obrazovanje nastavnika, odnos nastavnik–učenik, timski rad, pomoć nastavnicima, status i uslovi rada nastavnika, istraživački rad i mobilnost nastavnika, kao i međunarodna saradnja. Analiza i komparacija sadržaja međunarodnih i evropskih dokumenata prve faze (sredina šezdesetih i kraj sedamdesetih godina 20. veka) pokazala je da dokumenti Saveta Evrope i UNESCO-a opširno i na vrlo sličan način govore o tome šta i kako treba promeniti i/ili ponovo uspostaviti kad su u pitanju nastavnici, njihova uloga, obrazovanje i položaj kako bi celoživotno učenje postalo stvarnost. Za razliku od toga, u dokumentu OECD-a nije data veća pažnja ulozi nastavnika u realizovanju celoživotnog učenja. U drugoj fazi (sredina devedesetih godina 20. veka) razvoja koncepta celoživotnog učenja dokumenti UNESCO-a i OECD-a opširno i detaljno razmatraju pitanje nastavnika, dok se u dokumentu Evropske Unije samo konstatuje da će nastavnici imati središnju ulogu u društvu koje uči. Na kraju rada je istaknuto da je analiza i upoređivanje međunarodnih i evropskih dokumenata pokazala da su nastavnici jedan od najvažnijih elemenata politike celoživotnog učenja i da je, stoga, nužno planirati i organizovati celoživotno obrazovanje i učenje nastavnika kako bi oni mogli da podstiču i osposobljavaju učenike za celoživotno učenje. ; This paper presents results of the qualitative analysis and comparison of the content of key educational policy documents of the International and European organizations (UNESCO, OECD, Council of Europe and European Union) from two developmental stages of the lifelong learning concept with regard to the teachers. Results of the qualitative research have been presented within the following categories: role and function of teachers, selection of teacher candidates, initial and continuing training of teachers, teacher-student relation, team work, assisting teachers, status and working conditions, research and mobility of teachers and international cooperation. The analysis and comparison of the content of the International and European documents from the first phase (in the middle of 1960s and beginning of 1970s) have shown that documents of the Council of Europe and the UNESCO, to a great extent and in a similar fashion, state what should be changed and/or newly established when it comes to teachers, their role, their education as well as their status, so that lifelong learning could become reality. Compared to that, the OECD document did not pay greater attention to the role of teachers in the implementation of lifelong learning. In the second phase of development of the lifelong learning concept (in the middle of 1990s) the UNESCO and OECD documents discuss the teachers to a great extent and in detail, whereas the EU document states only that teachers will play a central role in the learning society. The paper concludes that the analysis and comparison have shown that teachers are one of the most crucial elements of the lifelong learning policy. Therefore, it is necessary to plan and organize lifelong learning and educational opportunities for teachers so that they could encourage and train their students for lifelong learning. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"

Istraživanje je podstaknuto učestalom pojavomdemotivisanosti za učenje kod gimnazijskih maturanata,koja je primetna u proteklim godinama. Cilj istraživanja je da se rasvetle upravo ovi činioci demotivisanosti. U okviru kulturno-psihološkog i sociološko teorijskog okvira ovog istraživanja motivacija se opisuje kao proces u kom se susreću karakteristike konteksta i karakteristike osobe. Кao važni činioci motivacije za učenje prepoznaju se percepcija instrumentalnosti i upotrebne vrednosti učenja i znanja i perspektiva budućnosti. Poseban značaj imaju karakteristike konteksta u kom se uči, tj. način na koji su učenici podstaknuti da veruju da je ponašanje u sadašnjosti (učenje i postignuće) svrsishodno za postizanje budućih ciljeva. U ovom kvalitativnom istraživanju postavljena su sledeća istraživačka pitanja: 1) Na koje načine učenici vide upotrebnu vrednost učenja i postignuća za budućnost? 2) Šta učenike navodi na određene perspektive budućnosti? Sprovedene su dve fokus grupe sa 20 maturanata dve beogradske gimnazije. Odabrani su učenici kod kojih je primećen pad i u motivaciji za učenje i u postignuću, u prvom polugodištu četvrtog razreda. Analiza sadržaja odgovora ukazuje na sledeće:1) učenici ne prepoznaju znanja i postignuća kao instrumente društvene promocije, jer kako navode, ima drugih načina koji su lakši i brži; 2) mogućnost da se uslov za upis na fakultet obezbedi posredstvom prijemnog ispita, kao i izvesnost upisa na privatne fakultete i pre završene školske godine, školsko postignuće spušta na listi prioriteta; 3) statusna hijerarhija nije hijerarhija znanja i veština. Na najvišim položajima nisu ljudi koji najviše znaju ili umeju. Može se zaključiti da se sa društvenim promenama menja i perspektiva budućnosti učenika što negativno utiče na motivisanost za učenje.Stoga je pri planiranju obrazovnih politika važno da budu prepoznati kontekstualni činioci motivacije za učenje, ali je neophodno i da svi učesnici budu angažovani u kreiranju nove obrazovne stvarnosti. ; The research was stimulated by the frequent occurrence of demotivation for learning among high school graduates, which has been noticeable in recent years. The aim of the research is to clarify these particular factors for demotivation. Within the cultural-psychological and sociological theoretical framework of this research, motivation is described as a process in which characteristics of a context and characteristics of personality meet. Perception of instrumentality and use value of learning and knowledge, as well as perspectives in future, are recognized as important factors of motivation for learning. Characteristics of the context in which learning is conducted, ways by which students are encouraged to believe that their behaviour in the present (learning and achievement) is meaningful for achieving future goals, are in focus. In this qualitative research, the following research questions were asked: 1) do the students see the use value of learning and achievement for the future? 2) What leads students towards certain perspectives of the future? Two focus groups were conducted with 20 high school graduates from two Belgrade high schools. The students who demonstrated a decline both in motivation for learning and achievement in the first semester of the 4th grade, were selected. Analysis of the content of the answers provides the following insights: 1) the students do not recognize knowledge and achievements as instruments of social promotion, because, as they say, there are other ways that are easier and faster; 2) with the possibility for enrolment through the entrance exam and enrolment to private faculties even before the end of the school year, the school achievement loses priority; 3) the status hierarchy is not a hierarchy of knowledge and skills. People with great knowledge and skills are not in the highest positions in society. It can be concluded that with the social changes, the students' perspective of the future also changes, which negatively affects the motivation to learn. Therefore, when planning educational policies, it is important to recognize the contextual factors of motivation for learning, as well as the engagement of all participants in creating a new educational reality. ; Knjiga rezimea, 25. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa" ; Book of abstracts / 25th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"

For over a century, rumours have been spread from Croatia about Serbia's intention to create a Greater Serbia and its aspirations to greater Serbian hegemony. This has been a constant refrain in all anti-Serbian speeches delivered both before the Yugoslav and international public. On the one hand, the Serbs and Serbia were presented as aggressors with great territorial appetites, whereas on the other, the aim was to conceal one's own aggression and territorial pretensions to the ethnic, state and historical territories that belonged to others. Though such tactics is a well-known and long-lasting feature of Croatian politics, it has not been given an appropriate place and explanation in Serbian and foreign historiography. Croatia inherited such political approach from Austria-Hungary which demonised and satanised the Serbian intentions aimed at liberation and unification all the more so as its appetites towards the territories in the Balkans increased and as it more strongly expounded the German Drang nach Osten policy. According to such tactical approach, everything that was Serbian was proclaimed greater Serbian in order to nip in the bud and thwart Serbian interests which conflicted with the AustroHungarian ones. Following in the wake of Austro-Hungarian policy, in which they participated and often played the leading role, in all historical periods – from the 1848 revolution to this day the Croats have been denouncing Serbian often labelling it as greater Serbian. By reviling Serbhood and greater Serbhood, in which they saw the main rival to Croatdom and greater Croatdom, Croatian politicians did not only dream about a Greater Croatia, but also worked on building it, with determination and consistency, faithful to the principle that such end justifies all means, including even the genocidal annihilation of the Serbs. The Croatian aspirations to territorial enlargement have a rather long history. Although small in numbers and in a small territory, the Croats have fostered great imperial ambitions. This may be well illustrated with the various names such as: "Alpine or mountainous Croats" (Slovenes), "Orthodox Croats" (Serbs), "indisputable Croats" or the "flower of the Croatian nation" (Muslims), "Turkish Croatia", "Red Croatia", "White Croatia" or "Carpathian Croatia", which were the territories of Bosnia, Montenegro, Dalmatia and Slovenia. These names have been carefully cherished and for centuries instilled in the consciousness of a Croat with the aim to develop the awareness of Croatia's greatness and the numerical strength of the Croats. With the present two studies, I wish to demonstrate and prove when, how, on what foundations and with what objectives the Croats have endeavoured, from the 1848/49 revolution until the present time, to get hold of some parts or the entire territories of Vojvodina and Bosnia and Herzegovina. As precious data on this topic are scattered in different places, it is hard to gain insight into the entirety of this national, state-legal and geopolitical issue. With this in mind, I have elaborated in these papers, in a chronological sequence, on all important Croatian territorial claims on Vojvodina and Bosnia and Herzegovina. I have thus practically uncovered the decades-long greater Croatian politics and have provided concrete answers to the Croatian attacks at Serbia and the Serbs in regard to the so-called greater Serbian politics. I would also like to inform readers that this book is the second, supplemented and expanded edition of the book first published in 2012 in small print run (500 copies) and sold out a long time ago. Belgrade, 20 July 2016 Vasilije Đ. Krestić ; Посебна издања / Српска академија наука и уметности ; књ. 685. Председништво ; књ. 6

Autor se bavi odnosima Sjedinjenih Država i Venezuele zaključno sa aktuelnom‎ predsedničkom krizom ne bi li odgovorio na pitanje kako i zašto je Venezuela‎ postala problem za spoljnu politiku SAD koji zahteva pojačanu pažnju‎ i radikalne mere. Analiza ovih odnosa u toku 20. veka pokazuje da su oni zasnovani‎ na naftnoj međuzavisnosti dveju država. Kada je krajem veka višedecenijsko‎ loše upravljanje naftnim bogatstvom u Venezueli izazvalo društvenu‎ i ekonomsku krizu koja je dovela na vlast Huga Cháveza, spremnog da koristi‎ prihode od nafte protiv interesa regionalne hegemonije SAD, ove su Venezuelu‎ označile kao problem. Američki establišment je prema tom problemu nastupio‎ oportunistički – naftna međuzavisnost je sprečavala da sukob eskalira‎ sve dok aktuelna ekonomsko-politička kriza u Venezueli nakon Chávezove‎ smrti nije dala Washingtonu priliku za konačni obračun sa režimom, po cenu‎ privremenog prekida u trgovini naftom. Godinu i po dana od izbijanja predsednička‎ kriza u Venezueli još nije razrešena, jer se čavistički režim održao, a‎ SAD odustale od vojne intervencije, pa autor nastoji da ukaže na perspektive‎ problema i mogućnosti njegovog prevazilaženja nakon što tekuća pandemija‎ korona virusa bude obuzdana.‎ ; The author deals with the United States and Venezuela relations up to the‎ current presidential crisis, in order to answer how and why Venezuela became‎ a problem for U.S. foreign policy which requires increased attention‎ and radical measures. The analysis of these relations during the 20th century‎ shows that they were based on oil interdependence of the two states.‎ When a decades-long mismanagement of oil riches in Venezuela at the end‎ of the century caused a social and economic crisis that brought to power‎ Hugo Chávez, who was ready to use oil revenues against U.S. regional hegemonic‎ interests, it marked Venezuela as a problem. American establishment‎ treated the problem with opportunism – oil interdependence prevented‎ the conflict from escalating until the current economic and political crisis in‎ Venezuela after the death of Chávez gave Washington an opportunity for the‎ final clash with the regime at the price of a temporary break in the oil trade.‎ A year and a half after the presidential crisis in Venezuela erupted, it has not‎ been resolved yet, for the chavista regime remained in place, while the U.S. gave up on military intervention. The author points to the perspectives of the‎ problem and the possibilities of its overcoming once the current coronavirus‎ pandemic gets contained.‎