The history of Haiti is similar to that of other once-colonized nations, which display economic, class, gender, religious, and ethnic inequalities. As Deepa Naraya argues, when Haiti gained independence in 1804, two social groups emerged, one composed of newly freed slaves who fought for personal freedom and another of the small class of freed people who had fought for the economic and political autonomy of the nation. The result of this original cleavage is a society deeply divided and polarized between its urban and rural areas. Haitian society possesses informal connections among power circles and a rich social capital only at local levels. ; A história do Haiti é similar ao de outras nações outrora colonizadas, que exibem desigualdades económicas, de classe, género, religiosas e étnicas. Como Deepa Naraya argumenta, quando o Haiti se tornou independente em 1804, dois grupos sociais surgiram: um composto de escravos recém libertados que lutaram pela liberdade pessoal e outro de uma pequena classe de pessoas livres que tinham lutado pela autonomia política e económica da nação. O resultado desta clivagem original é uma sociedade profundamente dividida e polarizada entre as suas áreas urbanas e rurais. A sociedade haitiana possui conexões informais entre os círculos de poder e um elevado capital social mas apenas a nível ...
Of all the literary and cultural traditions in the Caribbean, none has produced a body of work as rich, diverse, and challenging as that of the French-speaking islands. Informed by the great French traditions of intellectual inquiry and artistic innovation, the francophone Caribbean tradition has seen the emergence of artists, activists, and theorists such as Aimé Césaire, Léon-Gontran Damas, René Ménil, Suzanne Césaire, Frantz Fanon, Édouard Glissant, Patrick Chamoiseau, Jean Bernabé, Raphael Confiant, Maryse Condé, Jean–Price Mars, Jacques Roumain, Jacques-Stephen Alexis, René Depestre, Frankétienne, Émile Ollivier, Marie Chauvet, Dany Laferrière, and Edwidge Danticat, to name only a few. The French–speaking islands and French Guyana have therefore a long, established tradition of prolific and incisive intellectual and artistic output, and have had considerable influence across the whole Caribbean literary and cultural spectrum. Until ten or fifteen years ago, the départements d'outre mer were in large part the main focus of any analysis of Francophone Caribbean culture. Since then, however, the other important French– and Creole-speaking nation, Haiti, has been the subject of unprecedented attention, both from scholars and the general public. Independent since 1804, the «first black republic» in the New World is at once a symbol of anti–colonial resistance and of postcolonial decay and economic, political, and social problems. At once years ahead of and years behind the rest of the Caribbean, Haiti demands critical attention, and in this article, I will summarize some of the major movements in Haitian literary culture, before focusing on the Duvalier period and the ways in which contemporary artists address the memory of that most traumatic period. ; De las tradiciones literarias y culturales del Caribe, ninguna ha producido un corpus tan rico, diverso y desafiante como el de las islas francófonas. Inspirado por las grandes tradiciones francesas de la búsqueda intelectual y la innovación artística, la tradición del Caribe francófono ha visto el surgimiento de artistas, activistas, y teóricos como Aimé Césaire, Léon-Gontran Damas, René Ménil, Suzanne Césaire, Frantz Fanon, Édouard Glissant, Patrick Chamoiseau, Jean Bernabé, Rápale Confiant, Maryse Condé, Jean-Price Mars, Jacques Roumain, Jacques-Stephen Alexis, René Depestre, Frankétienne, Émile Ollivier, Marie Chauvet, Dany Lafèrriere, y Edwidge Danticat por solo nombrar a unos pocos. Las islas francófonas y la Guayana Francesa tienen por tanto una larga y bien establecida tradición de producción intelectual y artística prolífica e incisiva, y han tenido una influencia considerable a través de todo el entorno literario y cultural caribeño. Hasta hace diez o quince años, los départements d'outre mer eran en gran parte el foco principal de cualquier análisis de la cultura francófona caribeña. Desde entonces, sin embargo, la otra nación de habla francófona y créole, Haití, ha sido objeto de una atención sin precedentes, por parte de investigadores así como del público en general. Independiente desde 1804, la «primera república negra» del Nuevo Mundo es un símbolo tanto de resistencia anticolonial como de declive postcolonial, así como de problemas económicos, políticos y sociales. A la vez avanzada y rezagada en el tiempo respecto al resto del Caribe, Haití merece la atención de la crítica. En este artículo haré un recuento de los principales movimientos de la cultura literaria en Haití, para luego centrarme en el período de Duvalier y en las estrategias que los artistas contemporáneos han utilizado para indagar sobre la memoria de ese periodo tan traumático.
Recent developments in Haiti including political assassinations attributed to both former Haitian military personnel and members of President Preval's presidential security unit have once again thrust that troubled country into the international spotlight. In the process, questions have been raised about the viability of the nascent Haitian democracy and the political stability on which it rests. In turn, that has led to questions about the length and nature of the international commitment, including that of the United States. Thus it was that in September 1996 Dr. Donald E. Schulz, the author of two previous Strategic Studies Institute reports on Haiti (Reconciling the Irreconcilable: The Troubled Outlook for U.S. Policy Toward Haiti, coauthored with Gabriel Marcella, 1994; and Whither Haiti?, 1996), spent a week in country gathering information about the current situation and the prospects for the future. During that visit, he spoke with numerous people, including U.S., Haitian and other nationals, on a not-for-attribution basis. This report is the product of those conversations, his personal observations of what he saw, and his continuing research on Haiti. ; https://press.armywarcollege.edu/monographs/1867/thumbnail.jpg
Dr. Donald E. Schulz looks at the prospects for political stability, democratization, and socioeconomic development. His conclusions are sobering. While by no means dismissing the possibility that Haiti can "make it," he presents a portrait of the imposing obstacles that must still be overcome and a detailed discussion of the things that could go wrong. In a nutshell, he argues that without a much greater willingness on the part of the United States and the international community to "stay the course" in terms of providing long-term security and socioeconomic aid, Haiti is unlikely to make a successful transition to a stable, democratic, economically modernizing nation. (Even with continuing assistance, the outlook will be problematic.) He argues that unless the United States and other foreign donors recognize this and do what is necessary to give the Haitian experiment a better chance to succeed, the "tactical success" that has been enjoyed so far will sooner or later be transformed into a "strategic failure." His policy recommendations, in particular, deserve close scrutiny. ; https://press.armywarcollege.edu/monographs/1218/thumbnail.jpg
Of all the literary and cultural traditions in the Caribbean, none has produced a body of work as rich, diverse, and challenging as that of the French-speaking islands. Informed by the great French traditions of intellectual inquiry and artistic innovation, the francophone Caribbean tradition has seen the emergence of artists, activists, and theorists such as Aimé Césaire, Léon-Gontran Damas, René Ménil, Suzanne Césaire, Frantz Fanon, Édouard Glissant, Patrick Chamoiseau, Jean Bernabé, Raphael Confiant, Maryse Condé, Jean–Price Mars, Jacques Roumain, Jacques-Stephen Alexis, René Depestre, Frankétienne, Émile Ollivier, Marie Chauvet, Dany Laferrière, and Edwidge Danticat, to name only a few. The French–speaking islands and French Guyana have therefore a long, established tradition of prolific and incisive intellectual and artistic output, and have had considerable influence across the whole Caribbean literary and cultural spectrum. Until ten or fifteen years ago, the départements d'outre mer were in large part the main focus of any analysis of Francophone Caribbean culture. Since then, however, the other important French– and Creole-speaking nation, Haiti, has been the subject of unprecedented attention, both from scholars and the general public. Independent since 1804, the «first black republic» in the New World is at once a symbol of anti–colonial resistance and of postcolonial decay and economic, political, and social problems. At once years ahead of and years behind the rest of the Caribbean, Haiti demands critical attention, and in this article, I will summarize some of the major movements in Haitian literary culture, before focusing on the Duvalier period and the ways in which contemporary artists address the memory of that most traumatic period. ; De las tradiciones literarias y culturales del Caribe, ninguna ha producido un corpus tan rico, diverso y desafiante como el de las islas francófonas. Inspirado por las grandes tradiciones francesas de la búsqueda intelectual y la innovación artística, la ...
In: Seraphin , H 2014 , Bonjour blanc, a journey through Haiti: An allegory of the tourism industry in Haiti. in Lit &Tour: Ensaios sobre Literatura e Turismo . Humus , pp. 355-381 .
Bonjour blanc, a journey through Haiti (Thomson, 2004) is considered by many as the best written book about Haiti. Not many academic papers have been written about Haiti as a destination. This article therefore contributes to the body of meta-literature. Starting with a brief presentation of Ian Thomson and his novel, this article adopts a thematic approach, successively presenting Ian Thomson's journey both in terms of time and space. The aim of the paper is to explore and analyse how Ian Thomson's journeys can be read and interpreted within an academic context. Methodologically, this article builds on the academic critical literature on Haiti as well as on the websites dedicated to the destination. As primary sources, it directly uses Bonjour blanc, a journey through Haiti itself. As the travel writing focuses among other things on the hotels Ian Thomson stayed in, the places he visited, his relationship with the locals and the image of Haiti, it is therefore particularly relevant for an analysis in terms of travel and tourism. Thus what is of interest in the paper is the relationship between hosts and visitors. This paper is therefore going to analyse the tourism sector in Haiti from an ethnological angle.From the analysis, Haiti, once the 'Pearl of the Caribbean' was found to be a tourist destination with a tremendous potential crippled by political, social and economic turmoil. The results have implications on the current marketing strategy adopted by the current government and Ministry of Tourism.
Haiti, one of the world's five poorest nations, gets international attention because of the number of refugees who leave by boat in search of a better future. The 80,000 inhabitants of Ile de la Gonave are neglected, even in Haiti--there is no government medical post, and facilities in the health posts run by missions are minimal. Typhoid and cholera epidemics threaten the island. Médecins Sans Frontières plans to send staff and supplies and train local health workers.
The article explains the main policies implemented in Haïti during 1986-1991. It offers, first, a general historical view, in which it is observed the hard struggles of such sectors were involved in democratic change against authoritarism. Later, it presents a characterization of this authoritarian regime, showing some government policies like the permanent violation of rules and democratic procedures, the use of social control and the manipulation of electoral process, among other things. ; El autor intenta explicar el tipo de ruta política que se siguió en Haití durante el periodo 1986-1991. Muestra, en primer término, un panorama histórico general, luego del cual se observa la ardua lucha de aquellos sectores comprometidos con el cambio democrático en contra de los sectores autoritarios que defienden el régimen dictatorial. Después presenta una caracterización de éste, resaltando métodos de gobierno tales como la violación permanente de las reglas y los procedimientos democráticos, al uso del control social y la manipulación de los procesos electorales, entre otros aspectos.
Project files are comprised of 1 page pdf and presentation recording in mp4 format. ; The State Department of the United States of America has in 2019 raised concerns about human and sex trafficking taking place in the Dominican Republic and in Haiti. Our research project examines the many factors contributing to human trafficking in the nation of Haiti, where thousands are affected by human trafficking every year. As a developing country, Haiti struggles to overcome this problem. We seek to expose the main developments and causes for the Haitian sex and labor trafficking market by reviewing and compiling government data, reports issued by international non-governmental organizations, and individual case studies over the past decade. We will show that the Haitian government has not taken sufficient action to hold traffickers accountable or to eradicate the "Restavek" system, a system that has delivered one quarter of Haitian children into domestic servitude and harsh labor. We contend that Haiti continues to be in a human rights struggle of devastating consequences for individual lives. Our project aims to bring to widespread public attention the violations of basic human rights in developing and often ignored countries like Haiti and we hope to shine a spotlight onto human trafficking in Haiti in an effort to try and gain support for the movement to overcome human trafficking.
Para el autor de este artículo el envío de tropas latinoamericanas a Haití en 2004 fue una decisión desacertada desde el comienzo. Los exiguos logros en materia de orden público en Haití han mostrado los límites de una misión militar cada vez más compleja y azarosa. En efecto, los asesinatos políticos continuaron, la dificultad de desarmar a los distintos grupos paramilitares pertrechados persistió y se fue haciendo imposible contar con un clima mínimo de convivencia. A pesar de los magros resultados en la consecución de los respaldos asistenciales y financieros prometidos por varios países e instituciones y de las deplorables condiciones sociales generadas por la temporada de huracanes, el Consejo de Seguridad de la onu insistió en una solución básicamente militar para hacer frente a la calamitosa situación económica y política en Haití. El siguiente artículo enumera los errores cometidos, revisa la intervención argentina y realiza un balance de la situación al 2005. ; For this author, the sending of Latin American troops to Haiti in 2004 was an unhappy decision from the beginning. The meager achievements in public order have shown the limits of this complex and risky military mission. Indeed, political murders continued, the difficulty in dismantling paramilitary groups persisted, and establishing a climate of minimum coexistence became next impossible. In spite of the paltry results in terms of assistance and financial help promised by several countries and institutions, and of the deplorable social conditions generated by hurricanes, the UN Security Council insisted basically in a military solution to the calamitous economic and political situation in Haiti. This article enumerates the errors committed, revises the Argentinean intervention in Haiti, and assesses the situation up to 2005.
The Haiti Productive Land Use Systems (PLUS) Research Project continued and expanded the work of the Haiti Agroforestry project. It was intended to encourage Haitian farmers to plant trees as part of an overall plan by USAID to curb the devastating erosion which was washing the top soil into the sea. This project also investigated the effects on other crops as a result of tree planting. ; 1. This inventory of crop varieties is a compilation of information on crop genetic resources available to the PLUS Project. The varieties listed are varieties existing in Haiti or in other countries (in particular, the Dominican Republic) with similar agroclimatic conditions and which could be of potential value in Haiti. Staple food, vegetable and fruit crops are included. 2. Approximately eighty-five varieties are described with information on agroclimatic adaptation, yields, disease and insect reactions, management considerations and seed sources. Information was obtained, by interview and reference to published reports, from various agencies in Haiti including the Department of Agriculture and associated organizations, NGOs, PVOs, developmental agencies, agriculture projects and private enterprises. A visit was made to the Dominican Republic to obtain information and to bring back seed of promising varieties. Information was also sought from other national programs as well as regional and international research programs which conduct crop research under agroclimatic conditions similar to those in Haiti. 3. Recommendations are made of varieties for major agroclimatic zones as defined by rainfall and elevation. 4. Recommendations are made with regard to variety preservation and seed multiplication. An artisanal seed production and distribution system is recommended involving farmers' organizations, government agencies, NGOs, private enterprises and universities. ; 1. Envantè sa-a sou varyete ki plante se yon travay rasanble enfòmasyon pou konnen ki resous jenetik Pwojè PLUS kapab jwenn. Varyete ki sou lis yo se varyete ki egziste an Ayiti oubyen nan lòt peyi (espesialman Sen Domeng) ki genyen menm kondysyon klima ak sòl ak Ayiti ki ta ka gen valè an Ayiti. Tout kalite kilti te konsidere nan rapò-a: kilti vivryè (mayi, diri, pitimi, pwa) legim ak fwi. 2. Apeprè katrevensenk (85) varyete dekri nan rapò-a. Enfòmasyon bay sou ki kote (kondisyon agroklimatik) chak varyete adapte, randman li bay, ki maladi ak ensèk ki atake-l, kòman pou ta sèvi ak varyete-a ak kote pou jwenn semans yo. Enfòmasyon sa yo te rasanble nan pale ak moun ki konnen ak nan rapò ki te pibliye pa pliziè òganizasyon an Ayiti, nou vle pale de Ministè agrikilti ak lòt òganizasyon ki gen rapò ak li, òganizasyon ki pa gouvènman-an, òganizasyon prive, ajans developman, pwojè agrikòl ak biznis prive. Yon vizit te fèt nan Republik Dominikèn pou chèche enfòmasyon ak pou vini an Ayiti ak semens varyete ki enteresan. Kontak te pran tou ak lòt pwogram nasyonal, rejional ak entènasyonal ki fè rechèch nan menm kondisyon agroklimatik ak Ayiti. 3. Rekòmandasyon fèt sou varyete ki ta dwe plante nan chak zòn agroklimatik enpòtan yo (diferans fèt ant zòn yo dapre kantite lapli ki tonbe ak nan ki wotè yo ye). 4. Konsiltan-an fè rekòmandasyon sou fason pou konsève varyete yo ak kòman pou miltiplye semans yo. Li pwopoze yon sistèm atizanal pou pwodwi ak distribye semans. Sistèm sa-a genyen ladan-l òganizasyon perizan, ajans gouvènman-an, òganizasyon ki pa gouvènman-an, antrepriz prive ak inivèsite.
International audience ; Envahies par tant d'images misérabilistes, les opinions publiques québécoise et canadienne portent souvent un regard condescendant sur Haïti : l'extrême pauvreté suscite pitié,complaisance ou encore des commentaires sur son « incapacité de s'en sortir ». Il est vrai que les indicateurs sont alarmants, que ni l'État ni l'économie ne parviennent à combler les besoins de tous ses citoyens. Mais réduire la vie sociale, politique ou économique du peuple haïtien à cette image univoque, incomplète et magnifiée de la pauvreté relève du stéréotype : un tel discours est excisé, erroné et limité. Calqué sur mesure pour conforter l'imaginaire occidental, il appuie la présence soutenue de forces étrangères en sol haïtien2. Rodé par les média de masse américains, repris par nos dirigeants politiques, il s'insinue même au sein de nos média de gauche. Il s'agit d'un discours sur « les autres », naturalisé et généré par les régimes politiques qui désirent recueillir l'adhésion de leurs citoyens et alliés à leurs visées impérialistes3. Ni la hausse du niveau d'études en Occident, ni la multiplication des réseaux de libre circulation de l'information n'auront réussi à l'endiguer, même si les faits sur lesquels il se base restent tronqués ou franchement mensongers. Il reçoit au contraire l'adhésion de publics encore plus variés, réussit à infléchir les décisions politiques et à façonner une partie du monde dans lequel nous vivons.
En Haïti, la catastrophe sismique de janvier dernier a provisoirement repoussé à l'arrière-plan une situation politique, sociale et économique complexe qui plonge ses racines dans la sortie de l'ère Duvalier en 1986. Depuis cette époque, Haïti vit dans une situation permanente de transition politique entrecoupée de coups d'État, d'embargos internationaux, d'interventions militaires américaines (1994-2004) et de missions onusiennes de stabilisation.