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The NSA Department extends a warm welcome to its newest faculty member and alumnus, Colonel Uwe Hartmann, phD from Germany. prior to coming to back to the Naval postgraduate School, COL Hartmann as the branch head of principles Military Doctrine and Command and Control of Land Forces at Army Command in Strausberg, Germany and more recently a course member at the NATO Defense College in Rome, Italy. In 2001, he received his Master's Degree in National Security Affairs (an NSA program) from NpS. COL Hartmann's teaching interests include NATO, the European Union, strategic thinking and leadership. He has published extensively over the years and has served as the co-editor of Yearbook on the Leadership philosophy of the German Armed Forces (Jahrbuch Innere Fuehrung).

Orlando, United States, 4–8 May 2014 ; Longitudinal Chromatic Aberration (LCA) plays an important role on polychromatic optical quality and retinal imaging at different wavelengths. However, the reported LCA varies across studies, likely associated to the different measurement techniques. We present LCA obtained from Hartmann-Shack (HS) wavefront sensing, double-pass (DP), and psychophysical methods in the same subjects ; Spanish Government FIS2008-02065, FIS2011-25637, and FPU Programs; European Research Council ERC-2011-AdG-294099; CSIC JAE Predoctoral Program ; EU Marie Curie FP7-PEOPLE- 2010-ITN #26405 ; Peer Reviewed

The 1997 Kyoto Protocol deferred negotiations on emissions from aviation to the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO).[1] Also within this specialised body, agreement on how to deal with emissions from aviation has been difficult to reach.[2] Frustrated by the lack of progress, the European Union (EU) decided to act unilaterally to reduce emission from aviation, by including aviation within its Emission Trading System (ETS). Initially, the EU set out to include in the ETS emissions from all major aircraft flying to or from European airports, even when these fly over the high seas or foreign territory.[3] Many States, however, viewed the EU's initiative as a unilateral act in violation of their sovereignty. The EU has since suspended the application of the ETS to foreign aircraft.[4] Even so, this incident raises important questions concerning the legality of unilateral acts under international law. This note considers when and how a State or a regional organisation may legitimately take unilateral measures to protect the environment. The note will not consider the legality of including foreign aircraft within the ETS, which has been dealt with elsewhere.[5] Instead, it will focus on the legality and importance of unilateral acts for the development of international law.

The 1997 Kyoto Protocol deferred negotiations on emissions from aviation to the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO). Also within this specialised body, agreement on how to deal with emissions from aviation has been difficult to reach.Frustrated by the lack of progress, the European Union (EU) decided to act unilaterally to reduce emission from aviation, by including aviation within its Emission Trading System (ETS). Initially, the EU set out to include in the ETS emissions from all major aircraft flying to or from European airports, even when these fly over the high seas or foreign territory. Many States, however, viewed the EU's initiative as a unilateral act in violation of their sovereignty. The EU has since suspended the application of the ETS to foreign aircraft. Even so, this incident raises important questions concerning the legality of unilateral acts under international law. This note considers when and how a State or a regional organisation may legitimately take unilateral measures to protect the environment. The note will does not consider the legality of including foreign aircraft within the ETS, which has been dealt with elsewhere. Instead, it will focus on the legality and importance of unilateral acts for the development of international law.

Recent research in the social sciences has explicitly addressed the challenge of bringing violence back into the center of attention. This has generated substantive progress in terms of both theoretical debate and methodological approaches. However, there is a significant lack of research applying non-reductionist methodological approaches that can, at the same time, be grounded in a theoretical approach to violence as a research subject in its own right. This focus section seeks to address this research gap by strengthening the dialogue between different bodies of literature that pursue disparate strategies of delineating "violence" as the subject of an emerging field of sociology. By synthesizing these literatures, the focus section aims to draw upon insights from social theory and recent developments in the sociology of violence on the one hand, and combine methodological approaches that transcend both micro- and macro-reductionist accounts on the other. In doing so, it offers analytical perspectives for coming to terms with one of the most conspicuous shortcomings in social scientific appraisals of violence: the tendency to treat it as a primarily moral or political problem, instead of conceiving violence as a social fact.

A pioneer in many respects, Otto Neurath made contributions in the areas of socialist politics, political economy, the theory of science, sociology and social philosophy. However, especially innovative were his revolutionary ideas about communication based on investigating the role of media in the making of modern man – as social technology for achieving socialist objectives. Within the context of his "Wissenschaftliche Weltauffassung" (Scientific Conception of the World – The Vienna Circle) he claimed a new form of encyclopedic integration of knowledge. Insisting on the need for for absolute clarity of expression, he developed a new form of scientific expression to help achieve this, an "International Picture Language". It was based on a new pictographic design system: ISOTYPE, an acronym for "International System Of Typographic Picture Education".

Between 1986 and 2006 Northern Uganda was affected by one of the longest running and most brutal armed conflicts in the African history of the 20th century. Despite Ugandan government and NGO efforts the Acholi youth remain a marginalised group in society. The overall youth situation according to the literature is drastic: acute poverty, high unemployment, low literacy rates, socio-economic and political exclusion. Youth play a pivotal role, either they can threaten peace, or can be catalyst for peace and peacebuilding. This qualitative study explored opportunities and challenges for Acholi youth participation in peacebuilding activities. To gain insight into the findings a power analysis with regard to spaces for participation and levels of decision-making was applied. Through four interviews and four Focus Group Discussions with youth actively engaged in peacebuilding, young people described economic marginalisation and lack of awareness as the main challenges to their participation. The youth explicated their opportunities for participation as local and accessible, for example awareness raising on peace issues through drama and dialogues about main conflict drivers. Four interviews with NGO staff contrasted the youth's experiences, and provided a fuller picture of existing power relations. Both, opportunities and challenges for youth participation are framed by negative youth perceptions and stereotypes from the Acholi community, and the youth's internalisation of this. Despite of the collective stigmatisation of youth, a gradual change towards appreciation and dialogue has taken place where youth's impact through their peacebuilding activities was felt. Finally, the study recommends to consider economic empowerment as a mechanism for greater youth participation. If youth are given or create space they positively use it to contribute to, or even to promote greater participation in peacebuilding.

The contribution deals with the complicated history of the sciences of history and sociology (predominantly in Germany). It shows, firstly, how Ranke formulated one of his essential world-historical insights as definitely closing off from contemporary discourses of the social and the »social movement«. Almost one hundred years later Max Weber integrated this insight of Ranke in his early days into his sociology. Secondly, Tyrell highlights the importance of Dilthey's »studies of society and history« for a joining of history and sociology. Essential for this was his understanding of »social differentiation«. Thirdly: Before and after 1900, that line of history which was then predominant in Germany and which dealt primarily with the history of political events rejected every programme and idea of social or cultural history. Also for this reason, since the 1890s sociology – being a new scientific discipline – has developed by a clear distance to history. This is illustrated by the example of the sociologists Simmel and Durkheim. The final remark glances briefly at Max Weber's sociology which rightly so may be called historic sociology.

Education is generally perceived as a public good which should be provided by the state. In Egypt, free and equal access to education has been guaranteed to all citizens since President Nasser's socialist reforms in the 1950s. However, due to high population growth rates and a lack of financial resources, the public education system has been struggling to accommodate rapidly increasing numbers of students. While enrolment rates have risen steadily, the quality of state-provided services has deteriorated. Teachers and students have to cope with high class densities, insufficient facilities, a rigid syllabus and a centralized examination system. Today, teaching is among the lowest-paying occupations in the public sector. One strategy to cope with this situation is the widespread practice of private tutoring, which usually takes place at students' homes or in commercial tutoring centers. Based on research carried out in Cairo in 2004/05 and 2006, I use an actor-centered approach to analyze the motivations of Egyptian teachers and students for participating in private tutoring and the impact that this practice has on the relationship between teachers and students. Students of all socio-economic backgrounds resort to tutoring in order to succeed in a highly competitive and exam-oriented education system. However, the form and quality of tutoring that can be accessed depends on the financial means of the family. For teachers, tutoring provides a good opportunity not only to supplement their income, but also, in the case of renowned "star teachers", to improve their professional status and autonomy. On the informal "market of education" that has developed in Egypt during the last decades, the educational responsibilities of the state are increasingly being taken over by private actors, i.e. the process of teaching and learning is dissociated from the direct control of the state and from school as an institution. At the same time, education is turned into a marketable commodity. Despite the government's efforts to provide free education to all citizens, the quality of social services that can be accessed in Egypt, thus, depends mainly on the financial means of the individual or the family. ; 107 S.

"Why do you ask questions of roots and branches instead of the necessary questions of chö (Tib. chos)?" asks a character in Tibetan author Dondrup Gyel's (don rgrub rgyal) controversial 1980 short story, "Tulku" (sprul sku). The Tibetan term chö can be translated in many ways, including to mean 'the Buddhist teachings,' 'religion' more generally, or even 'the nature of reality.' In "Tulku," however, what chö means is not at all clear, and the various characters claim authority to determine what is legitimate chö. In the story, a Tibetan village is visited by a mysterious stranger claiming to be a tulku—a reincarnated religious leader— but who is actually a fraud. Most scholars have interpreted "Tulku" as a critique of traditional Tibetan religious devotion, and as a call by Gyel for Tibetans to modernize. This paper, however, proposes a new reading of "Tulku." It suggests that Gyel pairs overt criticism of the corrupt tulku with a subtler critique of the Chinese government's policy towards Tibetan Buddhism. It argues for such a reading by tracking how the word chö is used in "Tulku." It shows that Gyel places the word not in the mouths of the Tibetan villagers, but rather in the mouths of the fraudulent tulku and the representatives of the Communist Party. Both thus use chö in order to appeal to the Tibetan villagers, claim power for themselves, and exclude the opposing party. "Tulku" thereby creates parallels between the ways in which the Tulku and the Party use chö to appeal to and manipulate the Tibetan villagers. On this reading, "Tulku" highlights the way chö can be weaponized by both traditional religious authorities and Communist party ideology, and suggests that in this modern period, any claimant to chö must be treated with caution and skepticism.

The new EU development agenda is an adaptation of an old mismatch in development policy, which is the effort to join, on the one hand, donor-driven demand for good governance and democracy, and on the other hand, a commitment to the ownership of development strategies by the recipient countries. This is an ambiguity because the two approaches oppose each other. We recommend to dissolve this mismatch by promoting a new global partnership with a specific emphasis on ownership. This entails context-sensitive analyses of the political and economic environment of the transition process in partner countries.

As soon as with the Treaty of Maastricht, the newly founded European Union formally stated a broad development cooperation approach in the supranational treaties. Since then the overall institutional framework has been continuously improved in favour of development cooperation by both, legal acts and 'soft law' while implementation of development policy issues mostly has lagged behind. Based on an evaluation of the changes on the institutional layer, the analysis will provide few selected evidence, that from a political view European development cooperation has failed to meet its rather high ambitions. ; Die Gründung der Europäischen Union im Jahr 1992 markiert den Zeitpunkt, an dem Entwicklungszusammenarbeit auf breiter Basis in den supranationalen Verträgen festgeschrieben wurde. Seither wurden die institutionellen Rahmenbedingungen durch Gesetzgebung und nicht rechtsverbindliche Übereinkünfte ('soft law') für Entwicklungszusammenarbeit auf europäischer Ebene fortwährend verbessert; die Umsetzung auf politischer Ebene wird diesem Prozess jedoch nicht ausreichend gerecht. Auf Basis einer Bewertung der institutionellen Veränderungen liefert die Analyse einige Belege dafür, dass die politische Umsetzung den ziemlich hohen Ansprüchen der europäischen Entwicklungszusammenarbeit bis heute nicht gerecht wurde.

Since the widespread utilisation of wind power has begun in the early 2000's, European countries are continuously working on the legislative environment of this renewable energy source. This has led to a wide variety of different support schemes and tariff systems. Experts agree that the Hungarian legislation system did not reach its goal. On one hand, scheduling accuracy of wind turbines is still far below international standards, and introduction of the penalty tariff was not an effective solution to reverse the process. The aim of the author is to solve this twofold problem with the redesign of the current obligatory electricity purchase and scheduling system, while taking into consideration new regulations of the European Union. The proposed system is also expected to allow the transmission system operator to decrease the amount of control reserves.

The stylistic categorization of the Estado Novo has been intensely discussed by Portuguese art historians. The square Alameda Dom Afonso Henriques in Lisbon (Alameda) can be seen as paradigmatic for the architecture of power of the Estado Novo. The Alameda forms a gardened valley between two hills. There you find two prominent and highly propagandist buildings: The Instituto Superior Técnico (IST) and the Fonte Luminosa are dedicated to modern sciences and respectively to the harmonious contribution of nature to the city. The iconography of the Alameda as well as its incorporation into the propagandist use of urban planning in the 1930s and 1940s exemplify the visual politics during Salazarism. Urban planning programs intended to create cities that would preserve the character of a traditional catholic society and at the same time answer to the need to modernize the country and evoke the image of a progressive state. Thus, public buildings and urban squares such as the Alameda contributed to design a corporate image and to the 'spirit' of the regime. ; Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (FCT), Fundação Millennium bcp

Kapazitätsentwicklung ist eine wichtige Entwicklungsstrategie und -methode der bi- und multilateralen Entwicklungszusammenarbeit. Bei Kapazitätsentwicklung handelt es sich in der Regel um Programme von Gebern, die westliche Demokratien als Blaupausen für ideale Entwicklungsstrategien für Entwicklungsländer sehen. Davon werden sogenannte best practice-Maßnahmen abgeleitet, die beispielsweise darauf abzielen Demokratie oder kompetitive Märkte in Entwicklungsländern zu etablieren. Die Wirksamkeit dieser Ansätze ist bislang nicht überzeugend. Dies hat insbesondere zwei hervorzuhebende Ursachen. Erstens, das Oktroyieren von best practice untergräbt die ownership von eigenen Entwicklungsstrategien der Partnerländer. Dabei gilt: Was in einem Kontext funktioniert oder gewollt ist, muss nicht in einem anderen Kontext funktionieren oder gewollt sein. Zweitens haben empirische Untersuchungen gezeigt, dass Geber in der Vergangenheit zu viel Augenmerk auf die Entwicklung von kompetitiven Institutionen (z.B. Wahlen) gelegt haben und dabei die notwendigen kooperativen Aspekte, die ein entwicklungsfreundliches institutionelles Umfeld benötigt, vernachlässigt haben. Diese blinden Flecken der Kapazitätsentwicklung sind problematisch, wenn man bedenkt, dass sehr viele Entwicklungsländer bereits stark unter internen, häufig gewalttätigen Konflikten leiden. [.]