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The NSA Department extends a warm welcome to its newest faculty member and alumnus, Colonel Uwe Hartmann, phD from Germany. prior to coming to back to the Naval postgraduate School, COL Hartmann as the branch head of principles Military Doctrine and Command and Control of Land Forces at Army Command in Strausberg, Germany and more recently a course member at the NATO Defense College in Rome, Italy. In 2001, he received his Master's Degree in National Security Affairs (an NSA program) from NpS. COL Hartmann's teaching interests include NATO, the European Union, strategic thinking and leadership. He has published extensively over the years and has served as the co-editor of Yearbook on the Leadership philosophy of the German Armed Forces (Jahrbuch Innere Fuehrung).

Hartmann and his Prague friends, whether German-Gentile or German-Jewish, rallied enthusiastically to the cause of what at first was a reawakening of suppressed Bohemic cultural nationalism and a move towards across-fertilisation of the two main lingual cultures (Czech/German) andthe three main ethnicities (Czech/German/Jewish) of the country. They soon saw themselves as a "Jungböhmische Bewegung" to correspond to Young Germany. The Prague writer Rudolf Glaser founded a literary journal called 'Ost und West' for the express purpose of bringing together German and Slavic literary impulses under the Goethean motto: "Orient und Occident sind nicht mehr zu trennen". With Bohemia as the bridge, 'Ost und West' published German translations from all the Slavic languages including Pushkin and Gogol, contributions by German writers sympathetic to the cause of emerging nations like Heinrich Laube, Ferdinand Freiligrath, Ernst Willkomm, but above all the Prague circle of Young Bohemians like Alfred Meissner, Isidor Heller, Uffo Horn, Gustav Karpeles and Ignatz Kuranda. Also Hartmann made his literary debut in the journal with a love poem entitled "Der Drahtbinder", and featuring a subtitle which was in keeping with the spirit of the times: "nach einem slavischen Lied".

Orlando, United States, 4–8 May 2014 ; Longitudinal Chromatic Aberration (LCA) plays an important role on polychromatic optical quality and retinal imaging at different wavelengths. However, the reported LCA varies across studies, likely associated to the different measurement techniques. We present LCA obtained from Hartmann-Shack (HS) wavefront sensing, double-pass (DP), and psychophysical methods in the same subjects ; Spanish Government FIS2008-02065, FIS2011-25637, and FPU Programs; European Research Council ERC-2011-AdG-294099; CSIC JAE Predoctoral Program ; EU Marie Curie FP7-PEOPLE- 2010-ITN #26405 ; Peer Reviewed

With the recent wave of democratisation in Sub-Saharan Africa a new interest in elected local councils has appeared. The importance of elected local governments in promoting democracy is now emphasised by both national actors and the international community. It is also increasingly underlined by research, both from the field of development theory/politics and from comparative research on democratisation processes. In this paper these broader arguments will be narrowed down to a theoretical focus on local electoral rules and the geographical area of the countries of Southern Africa. The paper presents data for all Southern African countries on the types of elected bodies at sub-national level of government, the composition of local councils, the regularity and simultaneity of local and national elections, the electoral systems and the rules governing candidature at the local level. Electoral rules are just one set of institutions that matter in local politics, and there is no doubt that other variables (such as local administration, resource allocation or capacity-building) are equally important. But the assumption is that local electoral institutions are relevant for the democratisation of both local and national politics, and should thus merit closer scrutiny. The comparative study of different countries offers additional insights with regard to similarities or specific constraints and problems that countries face in organising local elections and the institutional solutions that they eventually opted for. The paper also explores some likely consequences and impacts of these (differing) rules on the political process of these countries and highlight several issues that might be of relevance for the debate about the viability and consolidation of democratic politics in the region, both at local and national level.

The 1997 Kyoto Protocol deferred negotiations on emissions from aviation to the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO).[1] Also within this specialised body, agreement on how to deal with emissions from aviation has been difficult to reach.[2] Frustrated by the lack of progress, the European Union (EU) decided to act unilaterally to reduce emission from aviation, by including aviation within its Emission Trading System (ETS). Initially, the EU set out to include in the ETS emissions from all major aircraft flying to or from European airports, even when these fly over the high seas or foreign territory.[3] Many States, however, viewed the EU's initiative as a unilateral act in violation of their sovereignty. The EU has since suspended the application of the ETS to foreign aircraft.[4] Even so, this incident raises important questions concerning the legality of unilateral acts under international law. This note considers when and how a State or a regional organisation may legitimately take unilateral measures to protect the environment. The note will not consider the legality of including foreign aircraft within the ETS, which has been dealt with elsewhere.[5] Instead, it will focus on the legality and importance of unilateral acts for the development of international law.

The 1997 Kyoto Protocol deferred negotiations on emissions from aviation to the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO). Also within this specialised body, agreement on how to deal with emissions from aviation has been difficult to reach.Frustrated by the lack of progress, the European Union (EU) decided to act unilaterally to reduce emission from aviation, by including aviation within its Emission Trading System (ETS). Initially, the EU set out to include in the ETS emissions from all major aircraft flying to or from European airports, even when these fly over the high seas or foreign territory. Many States, however, viewed the EU's initiative as a unilateral act in violation of their sovereignty. The EU has since suspended the application of the ETS to foreign aircraft. Even so, this incident raises important questions concerning the legality of unilateral acts under international law. This note considers when and how a State or a regional organisation may legitimately take unilateral measures to protect the environment. The note will does not consider the legality of including foreign aircraft within the ETS, which has been dealt with elsewhere. Instead, it will focus on the legality and importance of unilateral acts for the development of international law.

Recent research in the social sciences has explicitly addressed the challenge of bringing violence back into the center of attention. This has generated substantive progress in terms of both theoretical debate and methodological approaches. However, there is a significant lack of research applying non-reductionist methodological approaches that can, at the same time, be grounded in a theoretical approach to violence as a research subject in its own right. This focus section seeks to address this research gap by strengthening the dialogue between different bodies of literature that pursue disparate strategies of delineating "violence" as the subject of an emerging field of sociology. By synthesizing these literatures, the focus section aims to draw upon insights from social theory and recent developments in the sociology of violence on the one hand, and combine methodological approaches that transcend both micro- and macro-reductionist accounts on the other. In doing so, it offers analytical perspectives for coming to terms with one of the most conspicuous shortcomings in social scientific appraisals of violence: the tendency to treat it as a primarily moral or political problem, instead of conceiving violence as a social fact.

A pioneer in many respects, Otto Neurath made contributions in the areas of socialist politics, political economy, the theory of science, sociology and social philosophy. However, especially innovative were his revolutionary ideas about communication based on investigating the role of media in the making of modern man – as social technology for achieving socialist objectives. Within the context of his "Wissenschaftliche Weltauffassung" (Scientific Conception of the World – The Vienna Circle) he claimed a new form of encyclopedic integration of knowledge. Insisting on the need for for absolute clarity of expression, he developed a new form of scientific expression to help achieve this, an "International Picture Language". It was based on a new pictographic design system: ISOTYPE, an acronym for "International System Of Typographic Picture Education".

The PhD thesis was embedded in the Energy for Smart Objects (EnSO) project, which is part of the Electronic Components and Systems for European Leadership (ECSEL) Joint Undertaking in collaboration with the European Union's H2020 Framework Program (H2020/2014-2020) and National Authorities, with the aim to develop Autonomous Micro Energy Sources (AMES) for smart objects. In the framework of the EnSO project, the goal of the thesis was to develop a solid electrolyte for all-solid Li-metal microbatteries as energy storage device in AMES. Lithium metal is the anode material of choice because of its very high theoretical specific capacity of 3861 mAh/g, which is one of the important requirements for miniaturized batteries. However, inhomogeneous lithium depositions known as dendrites, which reduce the life time and can connect both electrodes and create a short circuit, are often observed when using Li-metal as anode. The aim is therefore to develop a solid electrolyte, which presents a high ionic conductivity for the Li ion transport and a high mechanical stability to hinder dendritic growth. Electrolyte solutions based on ionic liquids (ILs) with dissolved lithium salt can be confined into inorganic porous networks forming so called ionogels (IGs), which are investigated as quasi-solid electrolyte materials. In a first step, the synthesis in a one-pot sol-gel process for silica-based ionogels is developed and in a second step tested as quasi-solid electrolyte in Li/LiCoO2 systems. IGs were obtained by a sol-gel reaction between TMOS as silica precursor and TFA as catalyst in PYR13-FSI (IL) and LiTFSI (Li+ source). It was possible to synthesize transparent IG monoliths with gelation times of 2-3 h, which is a suitable time for the IG film preparation on the LCO cathodes. Four IGs with different compositions were prepared and characterized. Two types of silica matrices built of mostly threefold-condensed Si centers could be distinguished: a densely packed structure and an open-porous structure, the latter one corresponding to IG B with the molar ratios IL/TMOS=3, TFA/TMOS=0.3, H2O/TMOS=2.3. The ionic conductivity of the IGs could be linked to the silica matrix structure. Only the IG with the open-pore structure (IG B) has a good ionic conductivity (10−4 S/cm). Equally, the examination of the four IGs as thin film electrolytes in LCO/Li batteries show promising results for batteries containing IG B. However, the capacity lies under the theoretical value (89 mAh/g instead of 136 mAh/g) due to high cell resistance. Therefore, the ionic conductivity of IG B was improved by changing the synthesis process while keeping the composition unaltered. The new IG B∗ has a very good ionic conductivity (10−3 S/cm) but a poor mechanical stability due to a matrix structure of loosely connected silica particles. IG B∗ was not able to hinder dendritic growth. Thus, the PVDF-HFP polymer (20 wt.%) was added to B∗ (B∗-p), which enhanced the mechanical stability and the cyclability of the Li-ion batteries with B∗-p as electrolyte layer. No indication of dendrites was visible in the charge/discharge curve for minimum 30 cycles at C/5. The capacities are low (≤ 80 mAh/g) due to the decreased liquid (IL) to solid (SiO2 + PVDF-HFP) ratio, which results in a lower lithium ion mobility. In order to increase the battery capacity, the silica amount in the IG formulation was reduced, the LiTFSI lithium salt concentration was increased, and the Li+ source was modified by taking IL-based electrolyte solution with different concentrations of LiFSI. Indeed, the capacity increases with decreasing silica amount due to improved ion mobility. The change of the lithium concentration from 1M to 3M and 5M enhanced the capacity. A battery with the combination of the reduced silica amount (0.5 TMOS) and 5M electrolyte solution has a good capacity (> 100 mAh/g) for at least 10 cycles at C/5. The lithium salt LiFSI has a smaller anion than LiTFSI and thus, it can further improve the ion mobility in the IG electrolyte film. All IGs containing LiFSI have a higher ionic conductivity than the corresponding gels with LiTFSI. Overall the battery performance and reproducibility could be greatly improved. Batteries containing a solid electrolyte with 20 wt.% PVDF-HFP and the reduced TMOS amount with a 3M LiFSI solution are able to cycle without the appearance of dendrites for 13 cycles at C/5 followed by 12 cycles at C/2 with a rather good coulombic efficiency around 95%. However, the capacity remains under the theoretical maximum.

Between 1986 and 2006 Northern Uganda was affected by one of the longest running and most brutal armed conflicts in the African history of the 20th century. Despite Ugandan government and NGO efforts the Acholi youth remain a marginalised group in society. The overall youth situation according to the literature is drastic: acute poverty, high unemployment, low literacy rates, socio-economic and political exclusion. Youth play a pivotal role, either they can threaten peace, or can be catalyst for peace and peacebuilding. This qualitative study explored opportunities and challenges for Acholi youth participation in peacebuilding activities. To gain insight into the findings a power analysis with regard to spaces for participation and levels of decision-making was applied. Through four interviews and four Focus Group Discussions with youth actively engaged in peacebuilding, young people described economic marginalisation and lack of awareness as the main challenges to their participation. The youth explicated their opportunities for participation as local and accessible, for example awareness raising on peace issues through drama and dialogues about main conflict drivers. Four interviews with NGO staff contrasted the youth's experiences, and provided a fuller picture of existing power relations. Both, opportunities and challenges for youth participation are framed by negative youth perceptions and stereotypes from the Acholi community, and the youth's internalisation of this. Despite of the collective stigmatisation of youth, a gradual change towards appreciation and dialogue has taken place where youth's impact through their peacebuilding activities was felt. Finally, the study recommends to consider economic empowerment as a mechanism for greater youth participation. If youth are given or create space they positively use it to contribute to, or even to promote greater participation in peacebuilding.

The contribution deals with the complicated history of the sciences of history and sociology (predominantly in Germany). It shows, firstly, how Ranke formulated one of his essential world-historical insights as definitely closing off from contemporary discourses of the social and the »social movement«. Almost one hundred years later Max Weber integrated this insight of Ranke in his early days into his sociology. Secondly, Tyrell highlights the importance of Dilthey's »studies of society and history« for a joining of history and sociology. Essential for this was his understanding of »social differentiation«. Thirdly: Before and after 1900, that line of history which was then predominant in Germany and which dealt primarily with the history of political events rejected every programme and idea of social or cultural history. Also for this reason, since the 1890s sociology – being a new scientific discipline – has developed by a clear distance to history. This is illustrated by the example of the sociologists Simmel and Durkheim. The final remark glances briefly at Max Weber's sociology which rightly so may be called historic sociology.

Education is generally perceived as a public good which should be provided by the state. In Egypt, free and equal access to education has been guaranteed to all citizens since President Nasser's socialist reforms in the 1950s. However, due to high population growth rates and a lack of financial resources, the public education system has been struggling to accommodate rapidly increasing numbers of students. While enrolment rates have risen steadily, the quality of state-provided services has deteriorated. Teachers and students have to cope with high class densities, insufficient facilities, a rigid syllabus and a centralized examination system. Today, teaching is among the lowest-paying occupations in the public sector. One strategy to cope with this situation is the widespread practice of private tutoring, which usually takes place at students' homes or in commercial tutoring centers. Based on research carried out in Cairo in 2004/05 and 2006, I use an actor-centered approach to analyze the motivations of Egyptian teachers and students for participating in private tutoring and the impact that this practice has on the relationship between teachers and students. Students of all socio-economic backgrounds resort to tutoring in order to succeed in a highly competitive and exam-oriented education system. However, the form and quality of tutoring that can be accessed depends on the financial means of the family. For teachers, tutoring provides a good opportunity not only to supplement their income, but also, in the case of renowned "star teachers", to improve their professional status and autonomy. On the informal "market of education" that has developed in Egypt during the last decades, the educational responsibilities of the state are increasingly being taken over by private actors, i.e. the process of teaching and learning is dissociated from the direct control of the state and from school as an institution. At the same time, education is turned into a marketable commodity. Despite the government's efforts to provide free education to all citizens, the quality of social services that can be accessed in Egypt, thus, depends mainly on the financial means of the individual or the family. ; 107 S.

In the 1960s 'African Socialism' emerged as the most popular political philosophy of the newly independent African countries. Though interpreted in diverse and contradictory ways, it was adoØted by the governments of countries as far apart as Senegal, the Ivory Coast, Kenya, Guinea, the Congo and Tanzania. As Ahmed Mohidden aptly states: To be an African Socialist or to espouse 'African Socialism' during that period was one of the most respectable things for any African leader to do. Nyerere's Ujamaa -the Basis of African Socialism, written in 1962, can be seen as part of this early post-independence euphoria. It was not tfntil 1967, when Nyerere proclaimed the policy of Socialism and Self-Reliance in the form of the Arusha Declaration, that Tanzania's socialist policies began to be taken seriously by the outside world. The policies of the Arusha Declaration (AD) excitedboth the interest and the imagination of Western radicals. Various reasons account for this Tanzaniophilia. First, the Arusha Declaration was followed by the immediate nationalisation of the major sectors of foreign capital in the country. Secondly, its egalitarian ideals were implemented in the Leadership Code which aimed to reduce the gap between the leaders and the led. This showed that the Tanzanian leadership was serious about socialism. Thirdly, Tanzania's expressions of self-reliance and its elaboration in the policy of Ujamaa Vijijini (rural socialism) stressed the need for a type of development that was rural-based and derived its dynamism from internalsources and communal production by peasants.

"Why do you ask questions of roots and branches instead of the necessary questions of chö (Tib. chos)?" asks a character in Tibetan author Dondrup Gyel's (don rgrub rgyal) controversial 1980 short story, "Tulku" (sprul sku). The Tibetan term chö can be translated in many ways, including to mean 'the Buddhist teachings,' 'religion' more generally, or even 'the nature of reality.' In "Tulku," however, what chö means is not at all clear, and the various characters claim authority to determine what is legitimate chö. In the story, a Tibetan village is visited by a mysterious stranger claiming to be a tulku—a reincarnated religious leader— but who is actually a fraud. Most scholars have interpreted "Tulku" as a critique of traditional Tibetan religious devotion, and as a call by Gyel for Tibetans to modernize. This paper, however, proposes a new reading of "Tulku." It suggests that Gyel pairs overt criticism of the corrupt tulku with a subtler critique of the Chinese government's policy towards Tibetan Buddhism. It argues for such a reading by tracking how the word chö is used in "Tulku." It shows that Gyel places the word not in the mouths of the Tibetan villagers, but rather in the mouths of the fraudulent tulku and the representatives of the Communist Party. Both thus use chö in order to appeal to the Tibetan villagers, claim power for themselves, and exclude the opposing party. "Tulku" thereby creates parallels between the ways in which the Tulku and the Party use chö to appeal to and manipulate the Tibetan villagers. On this reading, "Tulku" highlights the way chö can be weaponized by both traditional religious authorities and Communist party ideology, and suggests that in this modern period, any claimant to chö must be treated with caution and skepticism.