Suchergebnisse

The new Hebrew culture which began to crystallize in the land of Israel from the end of the last century, is a successful event of "cultural planning". During a relatively short period of time a little group of "cultural planners" succeeded in creating a system which in a significant way was adapted to the requested Zionist ideology. Eliezer Ben Yehudah immigrated to the land in 1881 and hitched his wagon to the hard work of the renewal of the spoken Hebrew language. The decision to establish Hebrew as a spoken language in the last two decades of the 19th century was not generally agreed upon nor accepted, even by central figures who participated in the creation of the new-old Hebrew language.

This article examines the role of Arabic Language Academies compared to the Hebrew Language Academy in the Israeli context. This is a unique context to examine, since we talk about a single academy constructed for the Jewish majority, and multiple academies for the Arab Palestinian minority within the state of Israel. Language academies are established in order to express national identity, constitute a main component in its culture and serve as a factor contributing to modernisation. The study reveals that the work of the Arabic academies is mainly instrumental, focusing on research and the structural aspects of the language, rather than primarily national, as is the case with more established academies. That means the Arabic Academies are professional bodies that deal with the Arabic language. While this is, of course, an important role, it should not be the principal function of the language academies. In contrast, the HLA deals with the structural aspects of the language, corpus planning, and also status planning, as the defender of the Hebrew language, and making the revitalisation of the language possible, combining both professional and national aspects from its inception.

The Academy of the Hebrew Language is considered the supreme institute for the Hebrew language in Israel, a status which is also expressed legally in Israeli law since 1953. Its members are known and distinguished linguists, poets, writers and translators. In the years 1994–1995 the Academy plenum devoted three meetings to discuss the question of how to pronounce, spell and use the name "Palestine" in Hebrew. The protocols of those discussions are the corpus studied in this article. A close examination of the discussions reveals significant, subtle, and sometimes paradoxical relationships between the political and the linguistic. In addition, the article traces the way in which the inevitable question regarding the possibility of distinguishing between these two facets permeated the debates. The article points out correlations between answers to this question, local political positions, and linguistic theories. It suggests that in addition to critical discourse analysis methodologies, in order to address this question an integration of some notions from the Derridian linguistic critique is indispensable, and by using them renegotiates the nature of the zone between the linguistic and the political. It is within the same blurred, ungraspable zone between the political and the linguistic, the zone from which the very wish to give a name arises and motivates the discussions, that this wish is also, at its peak, exhausted, interrupted, bringing the discussions to their indecisive conclusion.

Abstract
Passage of Israel's Jewish nationality law in 2018 shined more than usual light on the Druze citizens of Israel.
It put into painful question their integration into Israeli society. Key to that integration is Druze mastery of the Jewish
State's official language; hence the question, "How do Israeli Druze learn Hebrew?" The answer is multivariable: pedagogy, gender,
bilingualism, technology, religion, conscription, and socialization are all factors. Druze mastery of Hebrew through the IDF is
being replaced by formal language education. This is reinforced through growing participation of Druze females in Israeli
institutions. Arabic being the maternal tongue of Druze, unlike among the nation's Jewish majority Hebrew surpasses English as
their second language. Increasing use of social/digital media in Hebrew, particularly among the young, reinforces the bilingual
identity of Israeli Druze. So do Hebrew language textbooks, which "Israelize" Druze by teaching about Judaism and emphasizing
similarities between Jewish and Druze traditions.