Suchergebnisse

Chan Chi Kit. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 206-213). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; List of figures --- p.vii ; Forward --- p.viii ; Chapter 1. --- Introduction: democratization of Hong Kong --- p.1 ; Chapter 2. --- Hegemony: its origins and formation --- p.7 ; Chapter i. --- The origins: Gramsci's ideas of Hegemony --- p.8 ; Chapter ii. --- Hegemonic formation and ideological interpellation --- p.11 ; Chapter iii. --- Discourse analysis and hegemonic formation --- p.14 ; Chapter 3. --- Formation of hegemony and public discourse: Arguments and criticisms --- p.20 ; Chapter i. --- Public discourse and media representation --- p.21 ; Chapter ii. --- Public discourse and social formation --- p.24 ; Chapter iii. --- Social formation and discursive struggles: an analytical model to contemplate hegemonic formation in public discourse --- p.32 ; Chapter iv. --- Criticisms and implication on resistance strategy --- p.40 ; Chapter 4. --- Research questions and methodology --- p.45 ; Chapter i. --- Formation of state hegemony in public discourse: an indicator --- p.47 ; Chapter ii. --- Methodology: textual analysis and documentation --- p.52 ; Chapter iii. --- Sampling of media text --- p.55 ; Chapter 5. --- Democratization of Hong Kong: A brief review --- p.61 ; Chapter i. --- Establishing the state ideological discourse --- p.62 ; Chapter ii. --- Democratization: before and after the handover --- p.63 ; Chapter iii. --- Hegemony and Hong Kong democratization --- p.73 ; Chapter 6. --- Never be a base of subversion': Chinese state discourse toward Hong Kong --- p.75 ; Chapter i. --- Discursive logic of China's state discourse: its background and formation --- p.77 ; Chapter ii. --- Discursive strategy of China's state discourse: building up authoritative and professional image --- p.90 ; Chapter iii. --- Establishment of China's state discourse: social formation and discursive struggle --- p.110 ; Chapter 7. --- Public discourse of Hong ...

Public discourse on cultural identity was not possible on the island of Taiwan until martial law was lifted there in 1987. While until then culture had mainly been an arena for the suppressed political discourse, the demise of the one-party reign of the Guomindang (KMT) at the end of the 20th century signified not only the transformation from an autocratic to a democratic system but also the end of the cultural hegemony of the mainlanders on the island. The transformation process paved the way for further cultural innovation, the keywords here being education reform, language debate, establishment of new academic disciplines, historiographic reconstruction etc. It has also led to a widespread discussion of a specifically Taiwanese cultural identity which is reflected in literature, language, art, theatre and film. The international workshop "Transformation! - Innovation? Taiwan in her Cultural Dimensions", held at Ruhr University in Bochum from March 7th-9th 2001, set out to shed new light on these issues and generated an intensive discussion of potential new interdisciplinary approaches to cultural and literary research in the field of Taiwan studies

在過去的二十年中,隨著1989 年的革命(以及之後突進的新自由主義經濟政策),信息和通信技術(ICT)的擴散,世界經歷了急劇變化。但高等教育,尤其是英文文學研究有没有根據這一時期的文化、經濟、社會和政治的情況來修正呢?本論文探討從現代主義美學和片面國家論述的小說(英文書寫的),過渡到一個文化和政治驅動並行的後現代形式,及反映一個日益全球化和全球意識的二十一世紀引人注目的問題。通過當代小說的新自由主義全球化的測試 ──或者也被稱為後現代的情况和晚期資本主義的文化邏輯──我們了解世界據稱走向非殖民化只不過掩飾另一種殖民方式,導致葛蘭西的霸權理論效果,使馬克思主義理論的社會力量轉變成促使不同階級的政治權力形式,取決於一個非常關鍵的因素- 共識。 ; The world has experienced rapid changes in the last twenty years concomitant of the Revolutions of 1989 (and the subsequent onrush of neoliberal economic policies) and the proliferation of Information and Communication Technology (ICT), but has higher ed,and particularly, the study of English literature modified in accordance to the cultural, economic, social, and political circumstances of the period? This thesis explores the compelling question by illustrating the transition of contemporary literary fiction (written in English) from modernist aesthetics and one-sided national discourse into a culturally and politically driven postmodern form to parallel and reflect an increasingly global and globally aware 21st century. Through contemporary fiction's examination of neoliberal globalization - or perhaps what is also known as the postmodern condition and cultural logic of late capitalism - we come to understand a return of colonization in a world allegedly moving towards decolonization. What results is the Gramscian theory of hegemony, which gives rise to a Marxist theory of the transformation of social forces into forms of political power adequate to different class projects that depends on a very crucial factor - consensus. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Tchan, Chrystal Ching. ; "December 2012." ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 105-110). ; Abstracts also in Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i ; Table of Contents --- p.ii ; Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter One: --- Nationalism and the Decline of Empire --- p.15 ; Chapter Chapter Two: --- The Reflexive Resurgence of Local and National Formations in Hari ...

《基本法》雖然承諾香港循序漸進達致行政和立法機關雙普選,但回歸至今,民主政制不單停滯不前,更有倒退跡象。儘管制度沒有很大變遷,北京政府多次以不同理由拖延民主改革訴求,但親政府陣營卻逐漸擴大組織力量,降低反對派的挑戰可能,使選舉制度的競爭性降低。 ; 本文旨在探討,威權政府下舉行的選舉,究竟是促進、還是阻礙民主轉型。一般威權政府下的選舉並不穩定,反對派有可能透過不斷舉行的選舉挑戰政權,推動民主轉型。香港卻恰恰相反,反對派的不但分裂,動員能力亦逐漸降低。本文希望證明,威權主義下的選舉不一定對反對派有利,只要政權能夠鞏固選舉能力,籠絡不同社會界別孤立反對勢力,足以使反對派難以透過直接選舉推動民主。重複選舉亦不一定為反對派帶來好處,長年處於選舉威權,不但使反對派的動員能力降低,也會因策略分歧而導致路線之爭,形成轉型疲勞的局面。 ; 研究分為三部分,第一部分將檢視回歸以來選舉制度的變遷及結果,說明回歸後的選舉制度,越來越不利反對派生存。第二、三部分將探討回歸後親政府陣營及反對派的發展,當親政府陣營擴張及善理主從網絡,反對派則逐漸分裂,甚至因策略分歧互相攻訐,使反對派從選舉獲得的資源和挑戰政權的機會越來越少。 ; Basic Law has stipulated that Hong Kong will have universal suffrage gradually for legislative and executive branch. Despite that, after the handover from Britain, Chinese government has deferred democratization and suppressed opposition's urge. Besides, the pro-government coalition has established hegemony in electoral arena, which is impossible for opposition to compete with. The competitiveness of the stunned electoral politics has been further decreased. ; This article aimed to discuss whether the election hold under electoral authoritarianism is beneficial to democratization. According to hybrid regime researches, continuing elections, despite partially, create opportunities for oppositions to challenge the ruling coalition and install democratic virtues. Hong Kong is suffering from another way. Decreasing mobilization power, splitting opposition forces has shadowed democratic movement. The article aimed to suggest that provided the ruling coalition has ability to increase mobilization power and co-opting political elites, opposition loses opportunity structure to implement democratic process. They have to encounter demobilization and internal struggle within transition fatigue environment. ; There are three parts in the research. Firstly, I evaluate electoral reform and the result of repeating elections after handover. It is suggested that opposition becomes difficult to survive. The second and third sections would discuss the development of ruling elite and opposition from 1997-2012. When the ruling elite ...