Hess: Tocqueville and Beaumont
Book review of: Hess, Andreas. 2018. Tocqueville and Beaumont: Aristocratic Liberalism in Democratic Times. Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan.First Hardback ed., v + 153 pp.ISBN 978-3-319-69666-9Price: € 51,99
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Book review of: Hess, Andreas. 2018. Tocqueville and Beaumont: Aristocratic Liberalism in Democratic Times. Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan.First Hardback ed., v + 153 pp.ISBN 978-3-319-69666-9Price: € 51,99
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Book review of: Hess, Andreas. 2018. Tocqueville and Beaumont: Aristocratic Liberalism in Democratic Times. Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan.First Hardback ed., v + 153 pp.ISBN 978-3-319-69666-9Price: € 51,99
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Book review of: Hess, Andreas (2014) The Political Theory of Judith N. Shklar: Exile from Exile, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.235 pp.ISBN: 978-1-137-03249-2.Price: $ 110,00 (Hardcover)
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Across the arid regions of water-stressed countries of Asia, groundwater production for irrigated agriculture has led to water-level declines that continue to worsen. For India, China, Pakistan, Iran, and others, it is unrealistic to expect groundwater sustainability in a verifiable sense to emerge. Fragmented governance and the general inability to bring traditional socio-economic tools to bear on reducing groundwater demands have impeded progress to groundwater sustainability. For India and Pakistan, where operational management is at the level of states and provinces, there is no capacity to regulate. Also in both China and India, the tremendous numbers of groundwater users, large and small, confound regulation of groundwater. With business as usual, groundwater-related problems receive insufficient attention, a situation referred to as an "accelerating and invisible groundwater crisis" (Biswas et al., 2017). Another obstacle to sustainability comes from trying to manage something you do not understand. With sustainable management, there are significant burdens in the needed technical know-how, in collecting necessary data, and in funding advanced technologies. Thus, there are risks that Iran, India, and Pakistan will run short of groundwater from over-pumping in some places and will also be adversely affected by global climate change.
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In: Romein , C A 2021 , Protecting the Fatherland : Lawsuits and Political Debates in Jülich, Hesse-Cassel and Brittany (1642-1655). Studies in the History of Law and Justice , no. 20 , Springer Nature , Cham . https://doi.org/doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-74240-9
This open access book presents a comparative analysis of the use of fatherland terminology in a political and legal context in Jülich, Hesse-Cassel and Brittany from 1642 to 1655. Fatherland terminology includes words such as patria, patriot and nation. In historiography, the use of these words by the nobility is often interpreted as an early sign of nationalism that conflicted with the prince's initiation of state-building. The book argues that neither 'states' nor 'nationalism' truly existed yet; rather, the political arena was dominated by dynasties. Further, it rejects the notion of deliberate state-building and demonstrates that the nobility used this terminology to object to princely politics as part of adopting a "presupposed office." This status allowed the nobility to place itself outside the ruler-subject constellation and critique the situation. The Duchy of Jülich and the Landgraviate of Hesse-Cassel are used as examples of small economies of scale with homogenous nobilities, and ones where the Thirty Year's War hit hard – which led to the illegal levying of taxes and the billeting of soldiers, and in turn to the nobility critiquing princely politics. In contrast, the Duchy of Brittany, with its large economy of scale and heterogeneous nobility, found an alternative way of pursuing its interests and keeping taxes as low as possible. The goal of this book is to discuss and present three representative cases that offer insights into how the nobility safeguarded the welfare and prosperity of the fatherland and its inhabitants.
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The M. H. Ross Papers contain information pertaining to labor, politics, social issues of the twentieth century, coal mining and its resulting lifestyle, as well as photographs and audio materials. The collection is made up of five different accessions; L2001-05, which is contained in boxes one through 104, L2002-09 in boxes 106 through 120, L2006-16 in boxes 105 and 120, L2001-01 in boxes 120-121, and L2012-20 in boxes 122-125. The campaign materials consist of items from the 1940 and 1948 political campaigns in which Ross participated. These items include campaign cards, posters, speech transcripts, news clippings, rally materials, letters to voters, and fliers. Organizing and arbitration materials covers labor organizing events from "Operation Dixie" in Georgia, the furniture workers in North Carolina, and the Mine-Mill workers in the Western United States. Organizing materials include fliers, correspondence, news articles, radio transcripts, and some related photos. Arbitration files consist of agreements, decisions, and agreement booklets. The social and political research files cover a wide time period (1930's to the late 1970's/early 1980's). The topics include mainly the Ku Klux Klan, racism, Communism, Red Scare, red baiting, United States history, and literature. These files consist mostly of news and journal articles. Ross interacted with coal miners while doing work for the United Mine Workers Association (UMWA) and while working at the Fairmont Clinic in West Virginia. Included in these related files are books, news articles, journals, UMWA reports, and coal miner oral histories conducted by Ross. Tying in to all of the activities Ross participated in during his life were his research and manuscript files. He wrote numerous newspaper and journal articles on history and labor. Later, as he worked for the UMWA and at the Fairmont Clinic, he wrote more in-depth articles about coal miners, their lifestyle, and medical problems they faced (while the Southern Labor Archives has many of Ross's coal mining and lifestyle articles, it does not have any of his medical articles). Along with these articles are the research files Ross collected to write them, which consist of notes, books, and newspaper and journal articles. In additional to his professional career, Ross was adamant about documenting his and his wife's family history in the oral history format. Of particular interest are the recordings of his interviews with his wife's family - they were workers, musicians, and singers of labor and folk songs. Finally, in this collection are a number of photographs and slides, which include images of organizing, coal mining (from the late 19th through 20th centuries), and Appalachia. Of note is a small photo album from the 1930s which contains images from the Summer School for Workers, and more labor organizing. A few audio items are available as well, such as Ross political speeches and an oral history in which Ross was interviewed by his daughter, Jane Ross Davis in 1986. All photographic and audio-visual materials are at the end of their respective series. ; Myron Howard "Mike" Ross was born November 9, 1919 in New York City. He dropped out of school when he was seventeen and moved to Texas, where he worked on a farm. From 1936 until 1939, Ross worked in a bakery in North Carolina. In the summer of 1938, he attended the Southern School for Workers in Asheville, North Carolina. During the fall of 1938, Ross would attend the first Southern Conference on Human Welfare in Birmingham, Alabama. He would attend this conference again in 1940 in Chattanooga, Tennessee. From 1939 to 1940, Ross worked for the United Mine Workers Non-Partisan League in North Carolina, working under John L. Lewis. He was hired as a union organizer by the United Mine Workers of America, and sent to Saltville, Virginia and Rockwood, Tennessee. In 1940, Ross ran for a seat on city council on the People's Platform in Charlotte, North Carolina. During this time, he also married Anne "Buddie" West of Kennesaw, Georgia. From 1941 until 1945, Ross served as an infantryman for the United States Army. He sustained injuries near the Battle of the Bulge in the winter of 1944. From 1945 until 1949, Ross worked for the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers, then part of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), as a union organizer. He was sent to Macon, Georgia, Savannah, Georgia and to Winston-Salem, North Carolina, where he worked with the United Furniture Workers Union. He began handling arbitration for the unions. In 1948, Ross ran for United States Congress on the Progressive Party ticket in North Carolina. He also served as the secretary for the North Carolina Progressive Party. Ross attended the University of North Carolina law school from 1949 to 1952. He graduated with honors but was denied the bar on the grounds of "character." From 1952 until 1955, he worked for the Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers as a union organizer, first in New Mexico (potash mines) and then in Arizona (copper mines). From 1955 to 1957, Ross attended the Columbia University School of Public Health. He worked for the United Mine Workers of America Welfare and Retirement Fund from 1957 to 1958, where he represented the union in expenditure of health care for mining workers. By 1958, Ross began plans for what would become the Fairmont Clinic, a prepaid group practice in Fairmont, West Virginia, which had the mission of providing high quality medical care for miners and their families. From 1958 until 1978, Ross served as administrator of the Fairmont Clinic. As a result of this work, Ross began researching coal mining, especially coal mining lifestyle, heritage and history of coal mining and disasters. He would interview over one hundred miners (coal miners). Eventually, Ross began writing a manuscript about the history of coal mining. Working for the Rural Practice Program of the University of North Carolina from 1980 until 1987, Ross taught in the medical school. M. H. Ross died on January 31, 1987 in Chapel Hill, North Carolina. ; Digitization of the M. H. Ross Papers was funded by the National Historical Publications and Records Commission.
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Export diversification can lead to higher growth. Developing countries should diversify their exports since this can, for example, help them to overcome export instability or the negative impact of terms of trade in primary products. The process of economic development is typically a process of structural transformation where countries move from producing "poor-country goods" to "rich-country goods." Export diversification does play an important role in this process. The author also provides robust empirical evidence of a positive effect of export diversification on per capita income growth. This effect is potentially nonlinear with developing countries benefiting from diversifying their exports in contrast to the most advanced countries that perform better with export specialization.
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In: http://orbilu.uni.lu/handle/10993/42797
The origins of logistics lie in military and imperial methods of expansion and control of geographical space. It is principally associated with the more recent contexts of business management and engineering. Logistics systems are now the conveyor belts of the global system of trade, commerce and production, and its associated techniques and strategies aim at optimizing flows and throughput within discrete units (such as firms), in economic networks and across geographical space. Because flows are important determinants for the development of places, logistics has the power to structure territories. Therefore, it has raised considerable interest in the field of geography, not only with regard to cities and their dense agglomeration of people, buildings and infrastructure, but also in geopolitical terms as it fosters the exploration, control and surveillance of areas. The paper presents a critical account of logistics operations and their relevance for the making (and unmaking) of territories, related policy dimensions and future challenges for research.
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Medien- und Kommunikationsgeschichten haben sich nicht selten bemüht, an einschneidenden Neuerungen in der Technik der Nachrichtenübermittlung einen grundlegenden Wandel in der Kommunikation einer Gesellschaft festzumachen; manche dieser Neuerungen wurden sogar als Kommunikationsrevolutionen bezeichnet. Demgemäß wurde an der Einrichtung der Reichspost zu Beginn der Frühen Neuzeit ein bedeutender Fortschritt in der Entwicklung der Informationsgesellschaft festgemacht. Analysiert man jedoch das Korrespondenzwesen der größeren Städte im Reich während des späten Mittelalters ist man gezwungen, die Ergebnisse der Frühneuzeitforschung zu revidieren. Die Briefe des Rates der Freien Stadt Köln sollen hier als Beispiel dienen. Der Rat unterhielt bereits im ausgehenden Mittelalter Außenbeziehungen zu einer großen Anzahl von Kontaktpartnern in Europa. Mittels seiner Briefe und der Nachrichten, die durch sie verbreitet wurden, bezog er seine Adressaten in seine Politik ein. Die Schreiben geben nicht nur einen Einblick in die Vielfalt der Themen, die der Rat der Stadt behandelte, sondern geben auch Aufschluss über die Rezeption und gezielte Verwendung, Weitergabe, Zensur, Verfälschung und Unterdrückung von Nachrichten durch den Rat. Weiterhin vermittelt die große Masse der gleichzeitig geschriebenen und verschickten Briefe einen Eindruck von der Leistungsfähigkeit von Rat und Kanzlei, was die Organisation der Übermittlung von Nachrichten anbelangte. Der rege Briefwechsel spiegelt außerdem wider, dass Nachrichten als Grundlage der Politik verstanden und auf professionelle Weise zum Einsatz gebracht wurden. Sie wurden benötigt, um Entscheidungen zu treffen sowie um auswärtige Politik betreiben zu können. Insgesamt betrachtet lässt dies den Schluss zu, dass die Revolution im Nachrichtenwesen, welche von der Forschung für die Regionen nördlich der Alpen meist erst im 16. Jahrhundert angesetzt wird, bereits zuvor erfolgte und unter anderem im Briefwesen der Städte einen Vorläufer hat.
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Als eine der ersten ihrer Art außerhalb Europas war die Kommunistische Partei Indiens (CPI) bei der Ausbreitung des Marxismus jenseits des europäischen Rahmens vorne mit dabei. Zu ihren prägenden Einflüssen zählten die sowjetische Praxis der Revolutionsjahre und zeitgenössische radikale Spielarten des Nationalismus in Britisch-Indien. Von Beginn an musste sie sich unter Bedingungen behaupten, denen in der Theorie wenig Beachtung zugekommen war – zuvorderst der ungebrochenen Bedeutung von Religion und Gemeinschaft für das politische und soziale Leben des Subkontinents. Die Arbeit untersucht zunächst anhand der Werke von Marx, Engels und Lenin sowie der Komintern den theoretischen und organisatorischen 'Überbau' der CPI auf den Stellenwert von Religion in einem parteikommunistischen Emanzipationsgefüge. In der Folge widmet sie sich den oft biografisch eingefärbten Ansätzen und Strategien der Partei und ihrer Mitglieder, unter dem Primat der 'Politik für die Masse' mit den Verhältnissen auf dem Subkontinent umzugehen. Sie beleuchtet kommunistische Perspektiven auf Revolution anhand konkreter Fälle wie dem passiven Widerstand Gandhis, dem Moplah-Aufstand, der Arbeiterschaft, religiösem Kommunalismus und dem erstarkenden Gemeinschaftsgefühl religiöser Gruppen. Es zeigt sich, dass die Partei beständig zwischen qualifizierter Ablehnung und bedingter Unterstützung religiöser Kultur schwankte, die schematisch zwei divergierende und seit der russischen Revolution erkennbare revolutionäre Paradigmen bilden: ein westliches und ein östliches. Der in Letzterem kondensierte Strang politischer Tradition ermöglichte es schließlich, dass der Partei die Unterstützung für die Pakistanforderung der Muslim League in den 1940er Jahren plausibel erschien. ; Among the eldest of its kind in Asia, the Communist Party of India (CPI) pioneered the spread of Marxist politics beyond the European arena. Influenced by both Soviet revolutionary practice and radical nationalism in British India, it operated under conditions not provided for in Marxist theory—foremost the prominence of religion and community in social and political life. The thesis analyzes, first, the theoretical and organizational 'overhead' of the CPI in terms of the position of religion in a party communist hierarchy of emancipation. It will therefore question the works of Marx, Engels, and Lenin on the one hand, and Comintern doctrines on the other. Secondly, it scrutinizes the approaches and strategies of the CPI and individual members, often biographically biased, to come to grips with the subcontinental environment under the primacy of mass politics. Thirdly, I discuss communist vistas on revolution on concrete instances including (but not limited to) the Gandhian non-cooperation movement, the Moplah rebellion, the subcontinental proletariat, the problem of communalism, and assertion of minority identities. I argue that the CPI established a pattern of vacillation between qualified rejection and conditional appropriation of religion that loosely constituted two diverging revolutionary paradigms characterizing communist practice from the Soviet outset: Western and Eastern. The specific tradition condensed in the latter eventually would render it plausible to the party to support the Muslim League's Pakistan demand in the 1940s.
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Paper: 17 pp., Digital file. ; This paper examines the phenomenon of Common Interest Developments (CIDs), more commonly known as "gated communities", within the Canadian context. Comparing Canadian CIDs to their US counterparts. The author notes that Canadian developments are more likely to target seniors, tend to have fewer security features and are usually developed on a smaller scale. The author cautions that the proliferation of CIDs may have significant implications for local politics and Canadian cities. CID residents in the US are gaining political clout through well-organized homeowner associations, which constitute an effective lobbying force. Such associations are increasingly advocating measures such as tax rebates for their constituency, arguing for an end to what they call "double taxation" since CID residents pay both municipal taxes and monthly fees to the CID. The paper argues that CIDs are exclusionary by nature, fostering homogeneity in age, race, and income group, and that the proliferation of such development will lead to greater segregation in Canadian cities. ; Institute of Urban Studies
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The system of physical distribution that comprises transport and logistics, warehousing and wholesale, is an ideal indicator of structural change. Distribution and logistics have developed dynamically, with respect to new technologies, corporate restructuring, and a changing market environment. Whereas traditional logistics were characterized primarily by the demand of manufacturing customers for the shipment of bulk-commodities, modern production and service systems require frequent deliveries over great distances, with high inventory turnovers instead of storage. As a consequence, the locational profiles of distribution firms have changed as well, both at a large-scale level and within metropolitan regions. Based on recent findings of the European Warehousing Index, the paper points out how the European system of goods movement has changed in terms of regional distribution markets and warehousing location. Secondly, the consequences of locational dynamics within metropolitan regions are considered. The dominance of the truck and the suburbanisation of large distribution centres raise serious concern about logistics management, traffic reduction and locational policy. Referring to selected places such as the Ruhr Area, Hamburg or Berlin-Brandenburg, the paper demonstrates how critical the relationship between cities and goods distribution is becoming, with regard both to the regional economy and the urban environment. Is there a chance for regional, spatially oriented management of supply chains? In the case of the Ruhr Area, it is also questioned whether a certain 'knowledge milieu' (logistics research, applied sciences) may contribute to this goal. The particular benefits of investigating logistics real estate markets are fourfold: - They allow for a precise insight into regionally differentiated developments. - They connect the system of 'flows' with material 'space'. - They demonstrate that structural change is by no means neutral for the environment, regarding specific transport and land use implications of distribution. - They represent the emergence of new players in land use planning and policy (i.e. developers), thus shaping the system of political regulation.
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This article was adapted, revised and updated from the original, "Sidewalk Labs is closing down – Lessons from Toronto's realpolitik" published at Urbanization Unbound, the blogspot of urban geographers at the Department of Geography and Spatial Planning of the University of Luxembourg, edited by Constance Carr and Markus Hesse.
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Inter-municipal cooperation (IMC) is promoted as a way in which small, fiscally weak munic-ipalities can cope with intensified interregional competition and demographic change. We pro-vide first evidence on citizens' support for IMC using survey data from rural Germany. We cover different fields of public services and find the support for IMC to be lower for services where IMC implies intensified interaction with citizens from neighboring municipalities. The main research question asks whether citizens' support for IMC is larger in municipalities that can - by the logic of normative theory - expect higher net benefits from IMC. The answer is largely negative: While support for IMC decreases in the travel-time to neighboring municipal-ities, we do not find the support for IMC to be higher among citizens in small and/or fiscally weak municipalities, nor do we find the available of suitable partners to matter. At the same time, citizens' policy preferences strongly depends on individual-level factors. Believing that IMC reduces citizens' influence and control reduces the support for IMC substantially. Trust in local politicians and a high degree of emotional attachment to the home municipality reduce citizens' support for IMC.
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The project, SUSTAIN_GOV, aims at investigating sustainable spatial development policies in the context of governance, both with respect to Luxembourg and, as a comparative ap-proach, to the Swiss planning system and urban transformation processes in the Glattal-Stadt. SUSTAIN_GOV builds directly from the strong conceptual and empirical foundations estab-lished by the "SUSTAINLUX Project" (CO9/SR/01) that has thus far shown that despite the intense urbanization pressure, the strong strains on land resources and infrastructure, and the political dilemmas these issues raise, policy, planning and governance practices in the Grand Duchy remain underdeveloped, particularly in the domain citizen involvement in public deci-sion-making. SUSTAIN_GOV brings into sharper focus a more nuanced scientific under-standing of participation, governance, and integrated sustainable spatial development, and an in-depth evaluation of existing spatial planning, policy, and governance patterns in the Grand Duchy. The proposed research is informed by a robust and contemporary set of conceptual approach, that shape current urban and regional literatures. The research design follows a qualitative methodological approach.
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