Suchergebnisse

Rad nastoji problematizirati socijalno relevantno, ali politički zanemareno pitanje siromaštva među starijim ženama. Podatci pokazuju da je siromaštvo među ženama izazov za većinu zemalja članica Europske unije i izvan nje. Ipak, ono se ne može objasniti bez razumijevanja rodno specifičnog tijeka života žena. Razlike između starijih žena i muškaraca predočujemo prema riziku od siromaštva i uspoređujemo ih s onima u zemljama članicama EU-a. Rad se temelji na sekundarnim podatcima, tj. na Istraživanju dohotka i životnih uvjeta (EU SILC) koji omogućuju usporedbe između zemalja članica EU-a. Ustanovili smo da se rodna razlika u riziku od siromaštva povećava u starijoj dobi. Stopa rizika od siromaštva za žene mnogo je veća u Sloveniji nego u drugim zemljama članicama EUa. Razlika je posebno velika u dobnoj skupini žena starijih od 75 godina. Slovenija nije bila uspješna u rješavanju problema rizika od siromaštva jer nije uvela posebne mjere za smanjivanje općeg rizika od siromaštva i smanjivanje rodne razlike. ; This article aims to problematize a socially relevant, but politically overlooked issue of poverty among older women. Data show that poverty among women is a challenge for most EU countries and wider. However, it cannot be explained without understanding gender-specific life courses of women. We present the differences between older women and men in terms of the risk of poverty and compare them with those in EU countries. The article is based on secondary data, i.e. the Survey on Income and Living Conditions (EU SILC), which enable comparisons among EU countries. We have established that the gender gap in terms of risk of poverty widens in old age. The at-risk-of-poverty rate for women is much higher in Slovenia than in other EU states. The gap is especially large in the age group 75 and over. Slovenia has not been successful in coping with the risk of poverty problem, because it failed to introduce special measures to reduce the general risk of poverty and gender gap.

Ovaj članak prvo izlaže teorije koje zagovaraju koncentraciju moći. Na području političke filozofije to je Hobbesova teorija koja zagovara koncentraciju moći u rukama monarha, zasnovanu na pravu, kako bi se spriječio povratak u prirodno stanje. Na području teorija o međunarodnim odnosima to je teorija nadmoći koja tvrdi da nadmoć jedne države smanjuje vjerojatnost izbijanja ratova. Obje teorije, de facto, idu u prilog američkoj hegemoniji jer iz njih proizlazi to da ta hegemonija nije samo u interesu SAD-a, nego i u interesu svjetskog mira. Međutim ovaj članak tvrdi da je sustav ravnoteže i kontrole (checks and balances) važan ne samo unutar države nego i u međunarodnim odnosima. ; This article first presents theories that justify the concentration of power. In the field of political philosophy, Hobbes's theory argues in favor of the concentration of power in the hand of a monarch in order to prevent the state of nature. In the field of theories of international relations, power preponderance theory argues that power preponderance of one country prevents international wars. Consequently, both theories justify American hegemony, arguing that hegemony does not only serve the best interest of the USA, but also the interest of world peace. However, this article claims that checks and balances are important not just in domestic politics but in international relations as well.

Nesumnjivo, događaji 18, 19 i 20 srpnja 1936. označavaju neke od najistraživanijih povijesnih činjenica nedavne katalonske povijesti. Istovremeno, nakon skoro osamdeset godina, znamo toliko malo o tim događajima. Ishod revolucije 1936. prevazilazi Španjolski građanski rat te njegov kraj koji je rezultirao u četrdeset godina dugoj fašističkoj diktaturi. Ovi događaji proizlaze iz ustanka kojeg su vodili ljudi iz radničkog sloja. Naime, upravo su ljudi koji nisu imali ništa za izgubiti zaustavili vojni prevrat, boreći se metar po metar, ulicu po ulicu praktički nenaoružani te jedino uz pomoć Generalitat de Catalunya jurišnika. Upravo su ljudi koji nisu imali ništa, svojevoljno ušli u milicije s ciljem borbe protiv fašizma Zaragoze. Ljudi koji nisu imali ništa, posebice žene, koje su činile 70% radne snage u tvornicama Barcelone (elektroindustrija, dobavljači vode i plina, tekstilna i drvna industrija, luke, prehrambena industrija, transport ili industrija metala), kao i veći dio ekonomije zemlje (trgovina, distribucija hrane, brijačnice, zabavne emisije, škole, mediji, i sl.). Tijekom tih mjeseci, prvi i možda jedini put u povijesti, žene koje nisu imale ništa osim svojeg dostojanstva, imale su sve. ; Undoubtedly, the events of 18, 19 and 20 July 1936 constitute one of the most excessively interpreted historical facts in recent Catalan history. And, all the same, after eighty years we still know very little about them. The originality of the 1936 social revolution, which was structural and inherent to it, goes beyond the Spanish Civil War and its end in a forty-year long Fascist dictatorship that masked the significance of the revolutionary brunt, or even beyond the tendentious readings from both sides –including the republican sector's internal contradictions-. It stems from an insurrection leaded by its basis, by people from across the working-class neighborhoods of the city of Barcelona. Certainly, it was the people who had nothing –nor anything to lose- who stopped the military coup, inch by inch, street by street, practically unarmed and with the only collaboration of the Generalitat de Catalunya's assault guards. It was the people who had nothing who mainly volunteered to the militias to fight the fascism at Zaragoza. It was the people who had nothing, especially the women, who collectivized around 70% of Barcelona's factories (electrical industry, water and gas supply companies, textile and wood industries, harbors, food industry, transport companies, or metal industry), as well as a great part of the economy of the country (trade, food distribution, barber's shops, entertainment shows, schools, media, croplands, swimming pools, or leisure facilities.). During those months, for the first and perhaps the only time in history, the women who had nothing except their dignity, did have everything. To them I want to dedicate my research and to pay homage.

Na temelju građe nekoliko fondova Arhiva Jugoslavije i dostupne dokumentacije međunarodnih institucija zaduženih za kontrolu opijumske proizvodnje i prometa, ovaj rad rekonstruira malo poznate aspekte američko-jugoslavenskih odnosa tijekom 1930-ih koji prelaze domenu privredne suradnje. U tekstu je rekonstruirano nekoliko faza izvoza kvalitetnoga jugoslavenskoga (makedonskoga) sirovog opijuma američkim farmaceutskim kompanijama: od 1929. do 1934., kada su gotovo čitavu godišnju proizvodnju otkupljivale američke tvornice, preko perioda poslovanja tursko-jugoslavenskoga Centralnog biroa obilježenog međusobnim opstrukcijama i rivalstvom na američkom tržištu, pa do faze kada je stupanj ilegalne prerade i krijumčarenja droge u Jugoslaviji ugrozio odnose sa Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama uoči izbijanja Drugoga svjetskog rata. ; Due to its large morphine content, Yugoslav medical opium was an exception-ally sought-after pharmaceutical raw material, and therefore exported to leading processing plants in Germany, Switzerland, and France till 1928, when American plants began buying up almost the entire production. After 1932, yearly production of raw opium in Yugoslavia stabilised at 35-48 tons, with 99% of the production being absorbed by the American pharmaceutical companies Merck & Co. and Mallinckrodt Chemical Works, at prices significantly greater than those in Europe. However, the enthusiasm about exporting the entire yearly opium production to the USA was put into question in early 1934, when the Turkish-Yugoslav Central Bureau for raw opium export began operating in Istanbul. It comprised representatives of the Turkish Opium Export Institute and the Yugoslav Opium Export Institute (Jugoslovenski zavod za izvoz opijuma – JUZOP). The Yugoslav participation quota of 23-26% hindered the previous level of export to America, which generated resistance towards further cooperation with Turkey in Belgrade. Thus, disputes about placing opium on the American market led to a short-lived blockade of Yugoslav opium import, while the appearance of cheap Iranian opium in Europe further emboldened the Turkish side in the Central Bureau to compensate its loss of the European market by obstructing its Yugoslav partners in dealing with American plants. Apart from this, the debts of the American Eli Lilly plant towards the JUZOP on the day of the Central Bureau's liquidation in late June 1941 further contributed towards the impression that Yugoslavia was actually suffering a loss by exporting opium in collaboration with Turkey. According to official Ministry of Agriculture data, a total of 688 tons of raw opium worth 386 million dinars were exported from the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in the 1927–1939 period. On a yearly level, this amounted to an average of 42 tons of opium worth 29 million dinars, which equalled, for example, the average yearly budget revenue of the entire Vardar Banate (province). Since yearly opium smuggling in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia stood at around 8-10 tons of opium, one can conclude that almost a quarter of the legal production actually ended up in illegal trafficking. If the smuggling of processed opium derivates (morphine, heroin, codeine) to the USA is added to these figures, and if one keeps in mind the links of the Belgrade and Skopje smuggling organisations with leading European networks for drug trafficking across the Atlantic (Eliopoulos, Bacula, Raskin), then the increased interest of the League of Nations and American diplomacy for the situation in Yugoslavia from late 1937 becomes more understandable. The direct pressure of the American embassy in Paris, which operated a "service" for tracking narcotics smuggling, influenced the Yugoslav authorities to enact harsher laws and at least temporarily reign in the increasingly aggressive criminalisation of a formerly perspective branch of agriculture.

Na temelju građe nekoliko fondova Arhiva Jugoslavije i dostupne dokumentacije međunarodnih institucija zaduženih za kontrolu opijumske proizvodnje i prometa, ovaj rad rekonstruira malo poznate aspekte američko-jugoslavenskih odnosa tijekom 1930-ih koji prelaze domenu privredne suradnje. U tekstu je rekonstruirano nekoliko faza izvoza kvalitetnoga jugoslavenskoga (makedonskoga) sirovog opijuma američkim farmaceutskim kompanijama: od 1929. do 1934., kada su gotovo čitavu godišnju proizvodnju otkupljivale američke tvornice, preko perioda poslovanja tursko-jugoslavenskoga Centralnog biroa obilježenog međusobnim opstrukcijama i rivalstvom na američkom tržištu, pa do faze kada je stupanj ilegalne prerade i krijumčarenja droge u Jugoslaviji ugrozio odnose sa Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama uoči izbijanja Drugoga svjetskog rata. ; Due to its large morphine content, Yugoslav medical opium was an exception-ally sought-after pharmaceutical raw material, and therefore exported to leading processing plants in Germany, Switzerland, and France till 1928, when American plants began buying up almost the entire production. After 1932, yearly production of raw opium in Yugoslavia stabilised at 35-48 tons, with 99% of the production being absorbed by the American pharmaceutical companies Merck & Co. and Mallinckrodt Chemical Works, at prices significantly greater than those in Europe. However, the enthusiasm about exporting the entire yearly opium production to the USA was put into question in early 1934, when the Turkish-Yugoslav Central Bureau for raw opium export began operating in Istanbul. It comprised representatives of the Turkish Opium Export Institute and the Yugoslav Opium Export Institute (Jugoslovenski zavod za izvoz opijuma – JUZOP). The Yugoslav participation quota of 23-26% hindered the previous level of export to America, which generated resistance towards further cooperation with Turkey in Belgrade. Thus, disputes about placing opium on the American market led to a short-lived blockade of Yugoslav opium import, while the appearance of cheap Iranian opium in Europe further emboldened the Turkish side in the Central Bureau to compensate its loss of the European market by obstructing its Yugoslav partners in dealing with American plants. Apart from this, the debts of the American Eli Lilly plant towards the JUZOP on the day of the Central Bureau's liquidation in late June 1941 further contributed towards the impression that Yugoslavia was actually suffering a loss by exporting opium in collaboration with Turkey. According to official Ministry of Agriculture data, a total of 688 tons of raw opium worth 386 million dinars were exported from the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in the 1927–1939 period. On a yearly level, this amounted to an average of 42 tons of opium worth 29 million dinars, which equalled, for example, the average yearly budget revenue of the entire Vardar Banate (province). Since yearly opium smuggling in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia stood at around 8-10 tons of opium, one can conclude that almost a quarter of the legal production actually ended up in illegal trafficking. If the smuggling of processed opium derivates (morphine, heroin, codeine) to the USA is added to these figures, and if one keeps in mind the links of the Belgrade and Skopje smuggling organisations with leading European networks for drug trafficking across the Atlantic (Eliopoulos, Bacula, Raskin), then the increased interest of the League of Nations and American diplomacy for the situation in Yugoslavia from late 1937 becomes more understandable. The direct pressure of the American embassy in Paris, which operated a "service" for tracking narcotics smuggling, influenced the Yugoslav authorities to enact harsher laws and at least temporarily reign in the increasingly aggressive criminalisation of a formerly perspective branch of agriculture.

Ovaj rad analizira načine na koje se predstavljanje žena promijenilo od partizanki kao revolucionarnih tema, do kućanica i potrošačica u kasnim 60tim godinama. Ova je promjena vezana uz društveno-političke promjene u jugoslavenskom kontekstu i uz napuštanje ideje ženske emancipacije koja je osmišljena i prihvaćena tijekom i nakon rata. Naime, partizanska borba za oslobađanje od nacističke okupacije te socijalistička revolucija dva su temeljna mita Socijalističke Jugoslavije. Žene su igrale aktivne uloge u toj borbi, kao borci ali i daleko od borbenih linija (logistička podrška, špijuniranje, liječenje i dr.). Također, jednakost između muškaraca i žena je bio važan segment službene ideologije države. Ovi su se narativi kasnije i zabilježili u kolektivnoj memoriji kroz književnost, film, glazbu i stripove. U našem radu istražujemo pet načina prikazivanja ženstvenosti u jugoslavenskom filmu: (1) partizanka, (2) žena u pozadini, (3) suradnica, (4) radnica i (5) domaćica, kako bi prikazali načine na koje predstavljanje žena između 1947. i kasnih 60tih korespondira službenoj politici emancipacije te na koji način ovi prikazi korespondiraju svakodnevici tog vremena. Nadalje, ovo predstavlja analizu filma sagledanog kao skup priča koje su jugoslavenski muškarci i žene sami iznosili o sebi. Ovakav pristup ima potencijal ukazati na antagonizme unutar društvenog konteksta u kojem su ovi filmovi nastajali, tako što naglašava nedostižne ideala slobode i emancipacije. Istovremeno, cilj ove analize nije samo otvoriti još jedan vid istraživanja prošlosti, već također ponovno razmotriti emacipacijski potencijal kojeg ovakvo istraživanja pruža danas. ; This paper will analyse ways in which representation of women changed from partisans as revolutionary subjects to housewives and consumers in the late 1960's. This transformation is linked with sociopolitical changes in the Yugoslav context and the abandonment of women's emancipation as it was framed and adopted initially during and after WWII. Namely, the partisan struggle for the liberation from Nazi occupation, as well as the socialist revolution were two foundational myths of Socialist Yugoslavia. Women played an active role in this struggle, both as fighters and through their work behind the lines (as logistical support, spying, nursing, etc.). Likewise, equality between men and women was an important part the country's official ideology. These narratives were later memorialized through literature, cinema, music as well as comic books. In our work, we will explore five tropes of femininity in Yugoslav cinema: (1) the role of the partisan, (2) woman in the background, (3) collaborator, (4) worker and (5) housewife, in order to map out ways in which the representation of women between 1947 and the late 1960's corresponds to official emancipatory politics of the time and how these tropes related with everyday life in this period. Finally, this will lead to an analysis of cinema as a collection of stories Yugoslav women and men told themselves (and others) about themselves.1 This approach has the potential to indicate the antagonisms within the social context in which these films were produced, by highlighting the unattained ideals of freedom and emancipation. Simultaneously, the goal of this analysis is not to merely open up another space for a more complex exploration of the past, but also to reconsider the emancipatory potential this exploration offers us today.

Zaposlene žene sklonije su kompulzivnoj kupovini što može dovesti do značajnog povećanja izdataka za potrošnju kućanstava. U ovom radu istražuje se utjecaj promjene broja zaposlenih žena na potrošnju kućanstva po glavi stanovnika. Testira se hipoteza da promjena u broju zaposlenih žena ima značajan utjecaj na izdatke finalne potrošnje kućanstva per capita, zbog različitih sklonosti potrošnji, a provedena je empirijska analiza temeljena na skupu panel podataka 36 gospodarstava OECD-a u razdoblju 2000. – 2016. Rezultati pokazuju da promjena broja zaposlenih žena povećava rashode kućanstva per capita. Nadalje, rezultati impliciraju da životna dob zaposlenih žena ima vrlo značajnu ulogu u donošenju odluka o potrošnji što može dovesti do značajnih razlika u ukupnim izdacima potrošnje. Ovi rezultati ukazuju na važnost razumijevanja činjenice da promjena broja zaposlenih žena utječe i na planiranje ukupne potrošnje i formuliranje politika gospodarskog rasta. ; Working women have more compulsive buying tendencies which can lead to a significant increase in their household consumption expenditures. This study investigates the effects of changes in the number of working women on household per capita consumption. We test the hypothesis that changes in the number of working women have a discernible impact on household final per capita consumption expenditures, due to their differing consumption propensities, by doing an empirical analysis based on panel data set of 36 OECD economies within the period 2000-2016. The results indicate that changes in the number of working women increase the household per capita consumption expenditures. The result also implies that age plays a significant role in working women consumption decision making and may lead to significant differences in aggregate consumption expenditure. These findings suggest the importance of understanding changes in the number of working women in planning for aggregate consumption mobilization and in the formulation of aggregate growth policies.