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Known as "the father of Russian Marxism," G.V. Plekhanov (1856-1918) was an outstanding theoretician of prerevolutionary Marxism whose works were relegated to virtual oblivion during the Stalin era. In the wake of the collapse of Marxism-Leninism, his interpretation of Russian history and of the Bolshevik revolution are once again attracting the attention of Russian scholars

The historian José Orlandis (1918-2010) incorporated the Opus Dei in 1939 and was ordered to take ten years later. He participates in the Spanish Civil War and lives in the Second World War in Rome, where he facilitates the recognition of the Opus Dei by the Holy See. Her often epistolary relations with Josémaria Escriva were followed. Professor of Law History at the Universities of Sara-gosse and Navarra, he is the author of an important work on wisi-gothic Spain, which is the recognition of his mediated colleagues, such as Claudio Sánchez-Albornoz; he shall maintain an ongoing correspondence with them. He has also written several books on the history of the Church, including recent history, but also on spirituality in syntony with his pastoral tasks. He also practises multilingualism. Historically, his work oscillates between positivism and Yemenology according to the target audience, either specialists or much wider. ; International audience The historian José Orlandis (1918-2010) joined Opus Dei in 1939 and was ordained a priest ten years later. He was involved in the Spanish Civil War and he lived in Rome during the Second World War, where he was able to assist with the rec- ognition of Opus Dei by the Holy See. Throughout his life he was in constant contact, particularly by letter, with Josemaría Escrivá. He was professor of History of Law at the Universities of Saragossa and Navarre; he is author of important work on Visigothic Spain that was well received by his medievalist ; The historian José Orlandis (1918-2010) incorporated the Opus Dei in 1939 and was ordered to take ten years later. He participates in the Spanish Civil War and lives in the Second World War in Rome, where he facilitates the recognition of the Opus Dei by the Holy See. Her often epistolary relations with Josémaria Escriva were followed. Professor of Law History at the Universities of Sara-gosse and Navarra, he is the author of an important work on wisi-gothic Spain, which is the recognition of his mediated colleagues, such as Claudio ...

In his account of his Gallic compaigns, Julius Caesar frequently provided numbers for his opponents. These ranged as high as 430,000 and often exceeded 100,000. In modem times, Caesar's figures have been widely used to suggest, and even to calculate, population levels for ancient Gaul. In this paper, I take issue with the notion that it is expedient to treat Caesar's numbers seriously, and even more inappropriate to use them to infer overall population levels. To do this, I use logistical and textual arguments, pointing out, for instance, that Caesar's matter-of-fact discursive style is hardly warrant to take his itherwise uncorroborated numbers at face value. Rather, they should be considered as typical examples of the genre of exaggerated wartime numbers, a genre with a history reaching back as far as Old Kingdom Egypt and as far forward as the Vietnam war and beyond.

Cet article vise à analyser le processus réflexif de construction de la connaissance historique en se basant sur la méthodologie de l'histoire orale et la modalité des histoires de vie. On pourra ainsi tenter de comprendre ce processus chargé de sensibilités, d'émotions, d'expériences personnelles et collectives, heureuses ou traumatiques, qu'elles soient intimes ou liées à un vécu collectif. Notre fondement théorique s'appuiera sur les postulats de Michel de Certeau, Michel Foucault, Jacques Le Goff, Ulpiano Menezes, Mary Cristine Josso et Tomás Tadeu da Silva. La réflexion a été construite à partir d'une analyse bibliographique dialoguant avec des auteurs se consacrant à l'histoire orale, tels que Verena Alberti, Ana Maria Mauad, entre autres.

The ubiquity of the merveilleux in the historiography of the roman Empire cannot be explained away as the ravings of a so-called "primitive mentality". Historiographers consistently exhibited their scepticism by submitting marvellous events to rational critique. They clearly distinguished processes conforming to the regularity and continuity of causal relations from those phenomena whose supernatural origins were manifested by a sudden interruption of the normal course of events. Historiographers acknowledged the possibility of illusion, indeed of hallucination, and worked out a psycho-sociology of public rumour which insisted on examining sources, sometimes scrutinizing them with suspicion. Individuals themselves and society as a whole appeared divided : far from being unanimous, reactions to all that was marvellous evinced a permanent tension between scepticism and belief. The merveilleux nevertheless retained a fundamental place in the works of historiographers, because it was felt to have a sense and filled a positive function. It was a privileged instrument in the transformation of events, whose substance was raised to the status of myth. The merveilleux illustrated a hero's prestige, made the aberrations of men at a given time appreciable. Through prodigies, a political leader's authority was grounded. The role of the merveilleux was one of revelation. It enabled readers to decipher events. It transfigured reality, magnifying it, presenting the values it incarnates in striking fashion. Along with the merveilleux, the sacred entered Roman history : the city and its destiny escaped the contingency of things human, bore the seal of transcendence. It is through the merveilleux, finally, and the power of the meaning it carried, that historiographers exorcised the spectre of banality. ; L'omniprésence du merveilleux dans l'historiographie romaine de l'Empire ne s'explique pas par les divagations d'une prétendue " mentalité primitive ". Les historiographes ne manquent pas de soumettre les prodiges à une critique ...

The ubiquity of the merveilleux in the historiography of the roman Empire cannot be explained away as the ravings of a so-called "primitive mentality". Historiographers consistently exhibited their scepticism by submitting marvellous events to rational critique. They clearly distinguished processes conforming to the regularity and continuity of causal relations from those phenomena whose supernatural origins were manifested by a sudden interruption of the normal course of events. Historiographers acknowledged the possibility of illusion, indeed of hallucination, and worked out a psycho-sociology of public rumour which insisted on examining sources, sometimes scrutinizing them with suspicion. Individuals themselves and society as a whole appeared divided : far from being unanimous, reactions to all that was marvellous evinced a permanent tension between scepticism and belief. The merveilleux nevertheless retained a fundamental place in the works of historiographers, because it was felt to have a sense and filled a positive function. It was a privileged instrument in the transformation of events, whose substance was raised to the status of myth. The merveilleux illustrated a hero's prestige, made the aberrations of men at a given time appreciable. Through prodigies, a political leader's authority was grounded. The role of the merveilleux was one of revelation. It enabled readers to decipher events. It transfigured reality, magnifying it, presenting the values it incarnates in striking fashion. Along with the merveilleux, the sacred entered Roman history : the city and its destiny escaped the contingency of things human, bore the seal of transcendence. It is through the merveilleux, finally, and the power of the meaning it carried, that historiographers exorcised the spectre of banality. ; L'omniprésence du merveilleux dans l'historiographie romaine de l'Empire ne s'explique pas par les divagations d'une prétendue " mentalité primitive ". Les historiographes ne manquent pas de soumettre les prodiges à une critique rationaliste et de manifester leur scepticisme. Ils distinguent clairement les processus soumis à la régularité et à la continuité des séries causales, des phénomènes dont l'origine surnaturelle se manifeste par une interruption soudaine du cours habituel des choses. Ils admettent la possibilité de l'illusion, voire de l'hallucination, et élaborent une psycho-sociologie de la rumeur publique qui n'épargne pas leurs sources, parfois soumises à un examen suspicieux. Les individus eux-mêmes et la société dans son ensemble apparaissent divisés : loin d'être unanimes, les réactions à l'égard du merveilleux témoignent d'une tension permanente entre le doute et la croyance. Les historiographes conservent toutefois au merveilleux une place essentielle dans leurs œuvres parce qu'il a un sens et qu'il remplit une fonction positive. Il est l'instrument privilégié d'une transformation de la matière événementielle qui se trouve élevée à la hauteur du mythe. Le merveilleux illustre le prestige d'un héros, rend sensibles les égarements d'une époque ou fonde l'autorité politique d'un chef. Il joue le rôle d'un révélateur qui permet de déchiffrer les événements mais aussi de transfigurer la réalité, de la magnifier, et de faire apparaître de façon saisissante les valeurs qu'elle incarne. Avec le merveilleux, le sacré fait irruption dans l'histoire de Rome ; la ville et son destin échappent à la contingence des choses humaines et sont marqués du sceau de la transcendance. C'est enfin par le merveilleux et par la puissance de signification dont il est chargé que les historiographes exorcisent le spectre de la banalité.