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Known as "the father of Russian Marxism," G.V. Plekhanov (1856-1918) was an outstanding theoretician of prerevolutionary Marxism whose works were relegated to virtual oblivion during the Stalin era. In the wake of the collapse of Marxism-Leninism, his interpretation of Russian history and of the Bolshevik revolution are once again attracting the attention of Russian scholars

Source at https://doi.org/10.17238/issn2221-2698.2017.27.117 . English version of the article: http://hdl.handle.net/10037/12533 . ; Статья посвящена истории саамов и историческим методам. В реляционном контексте рассматриваются основные результаты и центральные аспекты истории саамов. Какие последствия — как в отношении методологии, так и стилей повествования — эти аспекты имели и должны были иметь для процессов проведения исследований и составления истории саамов? Основное внимание уделяется политике в истории саамов и её исследовании. Рассматриваются вопросы, кому «разрешено» составлять историю саамов и выбирать способ проведе-ния исследований с целью удовлетворения различных социально-культурных потребностей саамов. Рассматривается история саамов в целом и возможности реализации более ограниченных усилий по представлению сведений о саамских культурных практиках, их традициях и опыте отношений с другими народами. В заключение представлены методологические подходы и рекомендации по истории саамов с упоминанием ряда источников. ; The article focuses on Sámi history and historical methods. The main results and central aspects of Sámi history, in its relational context, are gone through. What effects and consequences – regarding both methodology and narrative styles – these aspects have had, and ought to have, for the processes of doing research on and writing Sámi history? The focus is on the politics of Sámi history and research. The issues, who is "allowed" to write Sámi history and the way Sámi research is demanded to stand in the ser-vice of different societal-cultural needs of the Sámi is dealt with. This expectation of applicability concerns Sámi history in general, and the more delimited efforts of presenting situated accounts of Sámi cultural practices, traditions and experience with relations to other folk groups. Finally, methodological considera-tions and recommendations of Sámi history are presented, in which a number of methodological competences and in-Depth usage of numerous Source categories are called for.

The article deals with the problems of historiography of the armed conflict in the Chechen Republic. The active phase of the military operations of the armed conflict in Chechnya was completed in 2001. At that time, historians, analysts and journalists created a wide range of theoretical works concerning the conflict. A number of common features on the use of basic resources are discussed in these publications. The degree of accessibility of the sources which focus on the description of the conflict and its socio-political assessment is of great importance for researchers and their objectives. The author analyzes the European (French) historiography of the armed conflict in the Chechen Republic, considers publications and specialized monographs by French authors on the given subject. The author reveals the ideas about the consequences of the armed conflict in the Chechen Republic, articulated in the works of the European researchers. For the first time within the study of the Western historiography of the war in Chechnya the author analyzes these consequences for both the Russian and Chechen sides. Being one of the most influential historical traditions, French historiography dedicated to the armed conflict in Chechnya is in the stage of development and is characterized by a number of qualitative changes and conceptual approaches.

Abstract
In this article, I review the key research contributions written on the German financial crisis of 1931. After four decades, consent about the origins and course of the crisis has still not been reached, since a set of disentangled factors - reparations, short-term foreign bank debt, the design of the gold standard, and the behaviour of individual banks - all contributed to the crisis. It seems that the 1931 crisis was caused by the pressure of reparations in combination with substantial private foreign debt. Capital flight set in when the government announced it was unable to pay its reparations. The Reichsbank lost its reserves and was unable to act as lender of last resort when a bank failed shortly after the reparations crisis. As well as describing the literature, I also present some new insights from the archives. It seems that the Reichsbank thought the crisis to be over at the end of June 1931, that it was worried about the state of public finance, and that it was badly informed about the banks' short-term foreign debt.

In this review essay, I discuss two recent trends in Chinese constitutional theory and their influence on the field of legal historiography. The first of these trends is a methodological turn toward "conceptual realism." This notion implies that legal concepts should be able to adequately capture political reality, lest they (1) end up eroding China's illiberal political status quo — the neo-conservative agenda — or (2) fail to identify the deep-seated reasons for the repeated failure of liberal constitutionalism in modern China — the critical-liberal agenda. Terminologically, this realist turn manifests itself in a set of conceptual binaries, including that of "state body" (guoti 國體) vs. "form of government" (zhengti 政體), "absolute constitution" vs. "constitutional law," and "political" vs. "normative constitution." The second trend is a broader shift toward historicism and "imperial nostalgia," that is, the belief that, for better or for worse, the structural features of China's pre-modern imperial state continue to impact its present constitutional reality. A review of recent Chinese literature suggests that — while there is some agreement among "conceptual realists" on the legal-territorial implications of China's modern transition from empire to nation-state — there is substantial disagreement on the reasons for its subsequent failure to consolidate liberal constitutional democracy. This also indicates that, while "statism" has indeed emerged as a new methodological consensus in Chinese academia, this consensus does not translate into a shared normative vision beyond the undisputed territorial unity of the Chinese nation-state. The discussion focuses on two books: Gao Quanxi, Zhang Wei, Tian Feilong, Xiandai zhongguo de fazhi zhi lu [The Road to the Rule of Law in Modern China] (2012); and Zhang Yongle, Jiu bang xin zao: 1911-1917 [The Remaking of an Old Country: 1911-1917] (2016).

The article analyses a number of stereotypical perceptions concerning Poland and the Poles, as presented in Ukrainian historiography, in particular: the idea of the Commonwealth as an enemy, the bearer of hostile Western values and Catholicism, the implementer of expansion into Ukrainian lands, the oppressor of the Ukrainian people, the factor of forced assimilationand Catholicization, the state that sought to «to sever ties between the Ukrainian people and the fraternal Russian people», a bad neighbor who constantly wants to enslave the Ukrainian people or seize their «ethnic lands»; the stereotype of the Commonwealth as an aggressive, despotic state of the imperial type, where there was cruel social oppression of peasants by Polish or Polonized feudal lords, where religious intolerance prevailed, especially against the Orthodox, and persecution was carried out against them; The state, which aimed to destroy Ukrainian statehood, seized Ukraine and turned it into its colony. The author raises the issue of forming the stereotype of «Polish-nobleman», «Polish-Catholic» and the myth that Catholicization was an instrument of Polonization, Poland and Ukraine – fundamentally separate, nothing but hostility, unrelated political, social and cultural organisms» etc.The article emphasizes that the existence of a number of myths and stereotypes in Ukrainian historiography about the neighboring state and its representatives hinder the mending of dialogue and developing Ukrainian-Polish relations. Addressing the problem will help not only to clarify the basic stereotypical ideas in Ukraine about the neighbour nation, but also to find out the cause of their emergence and development, which in turn will help to produce mechanisms for their elimination. When writing the work the author used general scientific empirical (description) and theoretical (analysis, synthesis, generalization, induction, explanation) research methods. The author concludes that the main reasons for the emergence of myths and stereotypes are the romantic idea of uniqueness and cultural self-sufficiency of a particular nation, the Ukrainian-Polish confrontation of the XVII century, the process of constructing the image of the Ukrainian nation, its enemies and rivals, political situation, etc. An important component of overcoming historical myths and stereotypes is the retrospective search for alternative ways of developing Ukrainian-Polish relations, awareness of the conclusion of a "strategic partnership" between Ukraine and Poland. The existence of myths and stereotypes about the past compels historians to deeply analyse and rethink the Ukrainian-Polish heritage ; У статті проаналізовано ряд стереотипних уявлень про Польщу та поляків, представлених в українській історіографії, зокрема: уявлення про Річ Посполиту як про ворога, носія ворожих західних цінностей і католицтва, реалізатора експансії на українські землі, гнобителя українського народу, чинника примусового ополячення й окатоличення, держави, що прагнула «розірвати зв'язки українського народу з братнім російським народом», недоброго сусіда, що постійно хоче поневолити український народабо захопити його «етнічні землі»; стереотип Речі Посполитої як агресивної, деспотичної держави імперського типу, де існував жорстокий соціальний гніт селян з боку польських чи полонізованих феодалів, де панувала релігійна нетерпимість, передусім по відношенню до православних, та здійснювалися проти них переслідування; держави, що мала мету знищити українську державність, загарбала Україну й перетворила її на свою колонію. Авторка порушує проблему формування стереотипу «поляк-шляхтич», «поляк-католик» й міфу про те, що окатоличення було знаряддям полонізації, «Польща та Україна – засадничо окремі, нічим, окрім ворожості, не пов'язані політичні, соціальні та культурні організми» тощо. У статті наголошується, що існування низки міфів і стереотипів в українській історіографії щодо сусідньої держави та її представників заважає налагодженню діалогу та розвитку українсько-польських відносин. Вирішення проблеми допоможе не тільки прояснити основні стереотипні уявлення в Україні щодо сусідньої нації, а й з'ясувати причину їх виникнення та розвитку, що, у свою чергу, сприятиме виробленню механізму їх усунення.При написанні роботи авторка використовувала загальнонаукові емпіричні (опис) та теоретичні (аналіз, синтез, узагальнення, індукція, пояснення) методи дослідження. Авторка робить висновок, що основними причинами появи міфів й стереотипів можна назвати романтичну ідею унікальності й культурної самодостатності конкретної нації, українсько-польське протистояння XVII ст., процес конструювання образу української нації, її ворогів та суперників, політичну ситуацію і т. д. Важливою складовою подолання історичних міфів і стереотипів є ретроспективний пошук альтернативних шляхів розвитку українсько-польських відносин, усвідомлення укладення стосунків «стратегічного партнерства» між Україною та Польщею. Існування міфів та стереотипів про минуле змушує істориків до здійснення глибокого аналізу та переосмислення українсько-польської спадщини.

Contemporary History is always part of a historical culture, part of a society's mindset. This article reflects the rise, establishment and changes of this discipline in Austria in a "post-catastrophic" situation after 1945. It is shown what phases of politicisation and attempts of instrumentalisation there have been, how research topics have changed and what methodological turns can be identified. This article is structured as follows: 1. Contemporary History as "post-catastrophic" historical mindset; 2. The origins of Austrian contemporary history as "coalition historiography"; 3. Contemporary history as "political enlightment" program, 4. Contemporary history as historical social science; and 5. Postmodern parallelism: engagement and "historization", empathy and "visual turn".

The article deals with the problems of historiography of the armed conflict in the Chechen Republic. The author analyzes the approaches to disclosure of the nature and the causes of the armed conflict in Chechnya, existing in modern Polish historiography. The active phase of the military operations of the armed conflict in Chechnya was completed in 2001. At that time, historians, analysts and journalists create a wide range of theoretical works concerning the conflict. A number of common features on the use of basic resources are discussed in these publications. The degree of accessibility of the sources which focus on the description of the conflict and its socio-political assessment is of great importance for researchers and their objectives. Modern Polish historiography, dedicated to the armed conflict in Chechnya, is in the stage of development and the state of its documentary complex is characterized by a number of qualitative changes. The article highlights the scientific and objective truth, comparing it with the comments of the contemporaries. In terms of methodological aspects it is an interesting work for specialists in the fields of history and political science. The author urges us to meditate on the objective truth and subjective opinion about the events. Versions of the causes of the conflict, conflict results and prospects set out in the Polish historiography may have significance not only for understanding of the situation in the Chechen Republic itself but also for the international relations.

Статья посвящена анализу историографического наследия России и Франции в свете выявления интересантов франко-русского сближения, а также механизмов принятия решения во французском и российском руководстве. Несмотря на то, что отношения России и Франции в XIX в. были напряженными, две страны сумели выстроить стратегический диалог и объединиться перед лицом германской угрозы, преодолев политические и культурные противоречия. Автор представляет следующие группы интересантов в Российской империи и Третьей Республике: дипломаты и военные, представители финансовой элиты, хозяйки литературных и политических салонов, политически активные представители элиты. На сегодняшний день в историографической традиции продолжает оставаться основополагающей идея о стратегическом значении франко-русского альянса, прямым следствием которой является положение о его очевидности и безальтернативности для политической и военной элиты обеих стран. Между тем, подобная точка зрения могла бы обогатиться при рассмотрении широкого круга сторонников и противников франко-русского сближения. В качестве перспективных направлений для будущих исследований возможно определить проблему участия в сближении Франции и России французского банковского капитала, выявить его связи с представителями Министерства иностранных дел Франции, а также более внимательно изучить механизмы формирования политического мнения в рамках т.н. «салонной дипломатии»: оказывали ли встречи политиков, деятелей культуры, лидеров общественного мнения влияние на принятие внешнеполитических решений и каким образом это происходило.
The article is devoted to the analysis of the historiographical heritage of Russia and France. The author focuses on the problem of identifying those interested in the Franco-Russian rapprochement and on the decision-making mechanisms in the French and Russian/Soviet leadership. Even though the relations between Russia and France in the 19th century were tense, the two countries managed to build a strategic dialogue and unite in the face of the German threat, overcoming political and cultural contradictions. The author represents the following interest groups in the Russian Empire and the French Third Republic: diplomats and the military, the financial elite, holders of salons and periodicals, and politically active members of the elite. Today, in the historiographical tradition, the idea of the strategic significance of the Franco-Russian Alliance continues to be fundamental, which means (as a direct consequence) its obviousness and lack of alternative for the political and military elite of the two countries. Meanwhile, such a point of view could be enriched by considering a wide range of supporters and opponents of the Russo-French Rapprochement. As promising areas for further research, it is possible to consider the problem of the participation of French banking capital in the rapprochement between France and Russia, to identify its connections with representatives of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and to take a closer look at the mechanisms for forming political opinion within "salon diplomacy": whether the meetings of politicians, cultural figures, and opinion leaders influenced decision making in foreign policy and how exactly that happened.

The article addresses debates within the historiography of Italian Fascism that were engendered by R. De Felice's works. R. De Felice argued that the Fascists' rise to power was largely due to accelerated modernization of Italian society after the First World War. The author focuses on the following issues debated in historiography: the intellectuals' impact on politics; definitions of Fascism; the Fascist regime's «betrayal» of the Fascist movement's ideals; the role of violence and the "consensus" in the relations of Italian society and the Fascist regime; Fascism's role in nation-building Risorgimento, the Fascist regime's crisis and fall. The author also discusses the problems of post-fascist transit. The survey of the current historiography of Fascism allows for determining salient questions in research on Fascism and outlining new directions of study.Key words: historiography of Fascism, R. De Felice, definition of Fascism, Fascist ideology, the Fascist regime, the problem of «consensus», nation-state. ; В статье рассматриваются дискуссионные вопросы истории итальянского фашизма, прежде всего вызванные исследованиями научной школы Р. Де Феличе. В них приход фашистов к власти девять десятилетий назад связывается с ускоренными процессами модернизации итальянского общества, проходившими под влиянием Первой мировой войны. В статье анализируются историографические концепции пределов влияния интеллектуалов на политику, определения фашизма, «предательства» фашистским режимом идеалов фашистского движения, роль насилия и «консенсуса» в отношениях между обществом и режимом, роль фашизма в реализации идей Рисорджименто строительства национального государства, периодизации кризиса фашистского режима и причин его падения. В статье рассматриваются проблемы постфашистского транзита. Анализ современной историографии фашизма позволяет определить современный уровень исследований фашистского феномена и спрогнозировать новые направления исследований.

'Die terminologischen Zugriffe auf Ereignisse, die wir heute als 'Naturkatastrophen' bezeichnen würden, sind für die Antike noch nicht systematisch untersucht worden. Der vorliegende Beitrag beschränkt sich aufgrund der Materialfülle auf die griechische Historiographie. Im Griechischen existiert zwar das Wort katastrophé, doch entspricht dieser nicht unserem Begriff 'Katastrophe'. Griechische Autoren tendieren stattdessen dazu, Ereignisse konkret zu benennen (Erdbeben, Flutkatastrophe, Seuche usw.), doch gibt es auch abstraktere, kategorisierende Begriffe. Der Befund zeigt, dass Ereignisse, die wir heute als 'Katastrophe' bezeichnen würden, zunächst einmal neutral betrachtet wurden und dann - abhängig vom jeweiligen Kontext - semantisch aufgeladen wurden, was durchaus auch positive Einschätzungen beinhalten konnte.' (Autorenreferat)