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The article presents the aesthetic and ideological concept of liberal criticism, which was expressed by a leading Galician critic, literary scholar, journalist and cultural figure of the interwar period Mykhailo Rudnytsky. His main scientific works were interpreted as a kind of postulate of "worldlessness" and "liberal criticism" focused on Western European intellectual models. Much of Rudnytsky's publications were written in the ideological vein of a resonant discussion, provoked by the critic and formulated by him under the slogan "Should a writer have a worldview?". In this discussion, M. Rudnytsky argued that it is not important for a writer to have a worldview. The main thing is the aesthetic criterion, which should also be decisive in the literary-critical evaluation of the writer's work. This thesis was quite ambiguous and controversial, as it sharply contradicted the general tendencies of the Galician society of that time. So the discussion provoked a polemical wave. The literary liberalism focused on issues of pure art, the search of Beauty, a kind of aesthetic ideal, non-involvement in politics, the predominance of form and style over content and ideas – founded in the Galician cultural environment of the interwar period more resistance than support. In anticipation of war, amid economic and political instability, in conditions of statelessness, the rejection of any ideology in Ukrainian society was interpreted as an ethical danger, ideological and political nihilism. Article focused also on the scientific and aesthetic problems of Rudnytsky's literary-critical scientific creativity, the specific eclectic stylistics of his works, the influence of the aesthetics and ideology of the Moloda Muza (Young Muse) group and modernism of 19 century on his philosophy and literary theory, the common and different in scientific theories of Mykhailo Rudnytsky and the Polish critic and literary theorist Ostap Ortwin, the cultural europocentrism of literary-critical assessments of Mykhailo Rudnytsky, reception of his ...

The Ruthenian Council as a political society, having united individuals with double-stage Ukrainian/Ruthenian-Polish identity in Halychyna under the Austrian rule in 1848, has no elaborated historiographic tradition. Within the categories of modern national consciousness the Ruthenian Council was a marginal formation harmonizing with neither Ukrainian nor Polish national historical metanarrative. Whereas Ukrainian historians used to interpret the society as a tool in the hands of Poles for the restriction of national rights of Ukrainians from Halychyna, Polish authors preferred to overlook the latter, viewing it as an example of unsuccessful Polish politics in the Ukrainian matter. The interpretations were slightly altered only within the last decade when the historians included the Ruthenian Council into the chain of national and political orientations that determined the development of Galician Ruthenian community in the middle of the 19 th century. The Ruthenian Council has no marked and complete source database. It is intertwined with a wider range of texts – act materials, press publications, reminiscences, correspondence that are mainly known to the historians but which are used just in the context of the activity of the Principal Ruthenian Council and the Polish People's Central Council – national and representative organizations that became the symbols of main tendencies in the national development. Key words: Halychyna, revolution of 1848, the Ruthenian Council, "Ruthenians of Polish nation" (gente Rutheni, natione Poloni), Ukrainian-Polish relations. ; Руський собор, як політичне товариство, яке в 1848 р. об'єднало в під-австрійській Галичині осіб з двоступеневою українсько/русько-польською ідентичністю, не має розвиненої історіографічної традиції. У категоріях модерної національної свідомості Руський собор був маргінальним утворен-ням і не вписувався ні в український, ні в польський національний історич-ний метанаратив. Якщо українські історики трактували товариство як зна-ряддя в польських руках для обмеження національних прав галицьких українців, то польські автори взагалі воліли обминати його увагою, позаяк бачили в ньому приклад невдалої польської політики в українському питанні. Деякі зміни в інтерпретаціях з'явилися щойно в останнє десятиліття, коли історики включили Руський собор в мережу національно-політичних орієн-тацій, які визначали розвиток галицько-руської спільноти в середині ХІХ ст. Вираженої та цілісної джерельної бази Руський собор не має. Вона вплетена в ширші тексти – актові матеріали, публікації в пресі, спогадові пам'ятки, листування, які історикам переважно відомі, але використовуються ними переважно в контексті діяльності Головної руської ради та польської Цент-ральної ради народової – національно-представницьких організацій, що стали символами магістральних напрямів національного розвитку. Ключові слова: Галичина, революція 1848 р., Руський собор, "русини польської нації" (gente Rutheni, natione Poloni), українсько-польські від-носини.

Actuality. Management as a phenomenon of culture and an exclusively unique object of scientific knowledge occupies a special place in the life of society. As historical development of mankind is complicated as organizational structures, as well as the culture of management and a set of theories that describe them. However, modern science does not take into account that radical changes in organizational reality occur not continuously, but during the bifurcation of civilization. A specific culture that arose precisely in such conditions is mechanistic management, the study of which is devoted to this article. Purpose and methods. The purpose of the article is a theoretical and historical analysis of the culture of mechanistic management, the identification of the basic determinants of the genesis of this management culture and the formation of the main directions of its development in conditions of industrialism. The methodological basis of the research is the dialectical principle of cognition, systemic, civilization, historical approaches to the study of social phenomena and processes, and the fundamental provisions of the theory of management. Results. The objective preconditions of the formation of a culture of mechanistic management are determined: European science and mechanism arising from the Newtonian picture of the world – the presentation of organizational reality as a machine, as well as atomism, rationalism and social Darwinism as a "natural law" about inter-species struggle; Protestant ethics as a justification of profit; political economy, which introduced the economy in the form of a machine operating under the laws of Newtonian mechanics; great scientific and technical discoveries, demanding new forms of organization of production. The essence of the article is given, comparative characteristics are given and prospects of further application of the main directions of culture of mechanistic management: scientific organization of labor and management are outlined; administrative management; the ...

The creativity of Spengler and the ambiguity of his theory have caused and continue to cause profound interest, as well as fierce debates. Spengler introduced his cultural historical doctrine in the book "The Decline of the West", in which he sought to reflect all the diversity of historical metamorphoses of humanity. His advanced concept of high cultures allowed him to approach the analysis of contemporary political processes from a historical perspective. "The Decline of the West" has already become an integral part of the European spiritual culture. This paper attempts to analyze Spengler's philosophy of history. During the research, the authors have used the comparative-historical method, the methodology of philosophical hermeneutics, as well as the integrative anthropological approach.

У статті виокремлено і проаналізовано прояви критики різних ідеологій в українському історико-педагогічному наративі радянської доби (1920–1980-ті рр.). Встановлено, що під тиском притаманної радянському тоталітаризму моноідеологічності, а саме цілковитого домінування однієї ідеології (соціалістичної у формі "марксизму-ленінізму"), у вітчизняному історико-педагогічному наративі звичними стали оцінки фактів і процесів педагогічної минувшини крізь призму саме ідеологічних постулатів. Це проявилося, зокрема, у критиці ліберальних, соціал-демократичних, націоналістичних, націонал-соціалістичних, консервативних ідей та їхніх репрезентантів в освіті і педагогічній науці. ; The purpose of the article is to single out and analyze the manifestations of criticism of different ideologies in the Ukrainian historical and pedagogical narrative of the Soviet era (1920 – 1980's). The study of the methodological foundation of Ukrainian historical and pedagogical science is not possible without considering the influence of ideological doctrines on the scientific work of domestic scientists who have studied the history of pedagogical thought and education. In the ХХth century the largest influence on the historical and pedagogical texts of Ukrainian researchers was exerted by the socialist ideology of the Marxist model, being, in fact, the only state doctrine in the Soviet Union in general and Soviet Ukraine in particular. The ideological dictatorship of pedagogical and historical-pedagogical science, being under totalitarianism, among the defense of the basic theoretical constructs of socialist ideology (so-called "Marxism-Leninism"), provided an uncompromising struggle against other ideological systems. Ukrainian researchers who lived and worked in Soviet Ukraine criticized liberal, social democratic, nationalist, fascist, and National Socialist ideas and their representatives, even the researching of history of education and pedagogy.In addition, the influence of the complex intra-party struggle in the USSR on the work of historians of pedagogy has been studied. In particular, it is investigated that the critique of the ideas of L. Trotsky, M. Bukharin, the views of M. Skrypnyk, O. Shumskiy appeared in the works of researchers of the history of education and pedagogical thought.We consider the identification and analysis of other aspects of the influence of socialist ideology and propaganda to be a promising area of further research.