The article presents the aesthetic and ideological concept of liberal criticism, which was expressed by a leading Galician critic, literary scholar, journalist and cultural figure of the interwar period Mykhailo Rudnytsky. His main scientific works were interpreted as a kind of postulate of "worldlessness" and "liberal criticism" focused on Western European intellectual models. Much of Rudnytsky's publications were written in the ideological vein of a resonant discussion, provoked by the critic and formulated by him under the slogan "Should a writer have a worldview?". In this discussion, M. Rudnytsky argued that it is not important for a writer to have a worldview. The main thing is the aesthetic criterion, which should also be decisive in the literary-critical evaluation of the writer's work. This thesis was quite ambiguous and controversial, as it sharply contradicted the general tendencies of the Galician society of that time. So the discussion provoked a polemical wave. The literary liberalism focused on issues of pure art, the search of Beauty, a kind of aesthetic ideal, non-involvement in politics, the predominance of form and style over content and ideas – founded in the Galician cultural environment of the interwar period more resistance than support. In anticipation of war, amid economic and political instability, in conditions of statelessness, the rejection of any ideology in Ukrainian society was interpreted as an ethical danger, ideological and political nihilism. Article focused also on the scientific and aesthetic problems of Rudnytsky's literary-critical scientific creativity, the specific eclectic stylistics of his works, the influence of the aesthetics and ideology of the Moloda Muza (Young Muse) group and modernism of 19 century on his philosophy and literary theory, the common and different in scientific theories of Mykhailo Rudnytsky and the Polish critic and literary theorist Ostap Ortwin, the cultural europocentrism of literary-critical assessments of Mykhailo Rudnytsky, reception of his ...
The Ruthenian Council as a political society, having united individuals with double-stage Ukrainian/Ruthenian-Polish identity in Halychyna under the Austrian rule in 1848, has no elaborated historiographic tradition. Within the categories of modern national consciousness the Ruthenian Council was a marginal formation harmonizing with neither Ukrainian nor Polish national historical metanarrative. Whereas Ukrainian historians used to interpret the society as a tool in the hands of Poles for the restriction of national rights of Ukrainians from Halychyna, Polish authors preferred to overlook the latter, viewing it as an example of unsuccessful Polish politics in the Ukrainian matter. The interpretations were slightly altered only within the last decade when the historians included the Ruthenian Council into the chain of national and political orientations that determined the development of Galician Ruthenian community in the middle of the 19 th century. The Ruthenian Council has no marked and complete source database. It is intertwined with a wider range of texts – act materials, press publications, reminiscences, correspondence that are mainly known to the historians but which are used just in the context of the activity of the Principal Ruthenian Council and the Polish People's Central Council – national and representative organizations that became the symbols of main tendencies in the national development. Key words: Halychyna, revolution of 1848, the Ruthenian Council, "Ruthenians of Polish nation" (gente Rutheni, natione Poloni), Ukrainian-Polish relations. ; Руський собор, як політичне товариство, яке в 1848 р. об'єднало в під-австрійській Галичині осіб з двоступеневою українсько/русько-польською ідентичністю, не має розвиненої історіографічної традиції. У категоріях модерної національної свідомості Руський собор був маргінальним утворен-ням і не вписувався ні в український, ні в польський національний історич-ний метанаратив. Якщо українські історики трактували товариство як зна-ряддя в польських руках для обмеження національних прав галицьких українців, то польські автори взагалі воліли обминати його увагою, позаяк бачили в ньому приклад невдалої польської політики в українському питанні. Деякі зміни в інтерпретаціях з'явилися щойно в останнє десятиліття, коли історики включили Руський собор в мережу національно-політичних орієн-тацій, які визначали розвиток галицько-руської спільноти в середині ХІХ ст. Вираженої та цілісної джерельної бази Руський собор не має. Вона вплетена в ширші тексти – актові матеріали, публікації в пресі, спогадові пам'ятки, листування, які історикам переважно відомі, але використовуються ними переважно в контексті діяльності Головної руської ради та польської Цент-ральної ради народової – національно-представницьких організацій, що стали символами магістральних напрямів національного розвитку. Ключові слова: Галичина, революція 1848 р., Руський собор, "русини польської нації" (gente Rutheni, natione Poloni), українсько-польські від-носини.
Actuality. Management as a phenomenon of culture and an exclusively unique object of scientific knowledge occupies a special place in the life of society. As historical development of mankind is complicated as organizational structures, as well as the culture of management and a set of theories that describe them. However, modern science does not take into account that radical changes in organizational reality occur not continuously, but during the bifurcation of civilization. A specific culture that arose precisely in such conditions is mechanistic management, the study of which is devoted to this article. Purpose and methods. The purpose of the article is a theoretical and historical analysis of the culture of mechanistic management, the identification of the basic determinants of the genesis of this management culture and the formation of the main directions of its development in conditions of industrialism. The methodological basis of the research is the dialectical principle of cognition, systemic, civilization, historical approaches to the study of social phenomena and processes, and the fundamental provisions of the theory of management. Results. The objective preconditions of the formation of a culture of mechanistic management are determined: European science and mechanism arising from the Newtonian picture of the world – the presentation of organizational reality as a machine, as well as atomism, rationalism and social Darwinism as a "natural law" about inter-species struggle; Protestant ethics as a justification of profit; political economy, which introduced the economy in the form of a machine operating under the laws of Newtonian mechanics; great scientific and technical discoveries, demanding new forms of organization of production. The essence of the article is given, comparative characteristics are given and prospects of further application of the main directions of culture of mechanistic management: scientific organization of labor and management are outlined; administrative management; the ...
The creativity of Spengler and the ambiguity of his theory have caused and continue to cause profound interest, as well as fierce debates. Spengler introduced his cultural historical doctrine in the book "The Decline of the West", in which he sought to reflect all the diversity of historical metamorphoses of humanity. His advanced concept of high cultures allowed him to approach the analysis of contemporary political processes from a historical perspective. "The Decline of the West" has already become an integral part of the European spiritual culture. This paper attempts to analyze Spengler's philosophy of history. During the research, the authors have used the comparative-historical method, the methodology of philosophical hermeneutics, as well as the integrative anthropological approach.
У статті виокремлено і проаналізовано прояви критики різних ідеологій в українському історико-педагогічному наративі радянської доби (1920–1980-ті рр.). Встановлено, що під тиском притаманної радянському тоталітаризму моноідеологічності, а саме цілковитого домінування однієї ідеології (соціалістичної у формі "марксизму-ленінізму"), у вітчизняному історико-педагогічному наративі звичними стали оцінки фактів і процесів педагогічної минувшини крізь призму саме ідеологічних постулатів. Це проявилося, зокрема, у критиці ліберальних, соціал-демократичних, націоналістичних, націонал-соціалістичних, консервативних ідей та їхніх репрезентантів в освіті і педагогічній науці. ; The purpose of the article is to single out and analyze the manifestations of criticism of different ideologies in the Ukrainian historical and pedagogical narrative of the Soviet era (1920 – 1980's). The study of the methodological foundation of Ukrainian historical and pedagogical science is not possible without considering the influence of ideological doctrines on the scientific work of domestic scientists who have studied the history of pedagogical thought and education. In the ХХth century the largest influence on the historical and pedagogical texts of Ukrainian researchers was exerted by the socialist ideology of the Marxist model, being, in fact, the only state doctrine in the Soviet Union in general and Soviet Ukraine in particular. The ideological dictatorship of pedagogical and historical-pedagogical science, being under totalitarianism, among the defense of the basic theoretical constructs of socialist ideology (so-called "Marxism-Leninism"), provided an uncompromising struggle against other ideological systems. Ukrainian researchers who lived and worked in Soviet Ukraine criticized liberal, social democratic, nationalist, fascist, and National Socialist ideas and their representatives, even the researching of history of education and pedagogy.In addition, the influence of the complex intra-party struggle in the USSR on the work of historians of pedagogy has been studied. In particular, it is investigated that the critique of the ideas of L. Trotsky, M. Bukharin, the views of M. Skrypnyk, O. Shumskiy appeared in the works of researchers of the history of education and pedagogical thought.We consider the identification and analysis of other aspects of the influence of socialist ideology and propaganda to be a promising area of further research.
У статті виокремлено і проаналізовано прояви критики різних ідеологій в українському історико-педагогічному наративі радянської доби (1920–1980-ті рр.). Встановлено, що під тиском притаманної радянському тоталітаризму моноідеологічності, а саме цілковитого домінування однієї ідеології (соціалістичної у формі "марксизму-ленінізму"), у вітчизняному історико-педагогічному наративі звичними стали оцінки фактів і процесів педагогічної минувшини крізь призму саме ідеологічних постулатів. Це проявилося, зокрема, у критиці ліберальних, соціал-демократичних, націоналістичних, націонал-соціалістичних, консервативних ідей та їхніх репрезентантів в освіті і педагогічній науці. ; The purpose of the article is to single out and analyze the manifestations of criticism of different ideologies in the Ukrainian historical and pedagogical narrative of the Soviet era (1920 – 1980's). The study of the methodological foundation of Ukrainian historical and pedagogical science is not possible without considering the influence of ideological doctrines on the scientific work of domestic scientists who have studied the history of pedagogical thought and education. In the ХХth century the largest influence on the historical and pedagogical texts of Ukrainian researchers was exerted by the socialist ideology of the Marxist model, being, in fact, the only state doctrine in the Soviet Union in general and Soviet Ukraine in particular. The ideological dictatorship of pedagogical and historical-pedagogical science, being under totalitarianism, among the defense of the basic theoretical constructs of socialist ideology (so-called "Marxism-Leninism"), provided an uncompromising struggle against other ideological systems. Ukrainian researchers who lived and worked in Soviet Ukraine criticized liberal, social democratic, nationalist, fascist, and National Socialist ideas and their representatives, even the researching of history of education and pedagogy.In addition, the influence of the complex intra-party struggle in the USSR on the work of historians of pedagogy has been studied. In particular, it is investigated that the critique of the ideas of L. Trotsky, M. Bukharin, the views of M. Skrypnyk, O. Shumskiy appeared in the works of researchers of the history of education and pedagogical thought.We consider the identification and analysis of other aspects of the influence of socialist ideology and propaganda to be a promising area of further research.
The position of the leaders of the OUN according to the Soviet election campaigns of the post-war period is revealed in the article. Despite the presence in the underground of a large number of purely propagandistic literatures dealing with this theme, the content of individual editions is evaluated as entirely professional. Possessing experience in the European parliamentary institutions, ideologues and ublicists of the organization have unequivocally identified the flaws of the Soviet Electoral System, exposing the authorities' manipulation of electoral legislation, and giving readers the idea of the anti-popular nature of the Soviet regime. Conclusions made by underground publicists generally coincide with the results of research by contemporary domestic and foreign scholars who study the system of power relations in the USSR.Ukrainian nationalists consistently denied the existence of democracy in the USSR, outlining its internal system as a rigid Part-Catholic dictatorship based on the oppression and the outbreak of the working people. Democratic electoral legislation and representative institutions, according to the opinion of underground publicists, were introduced in the Soviet Union not for practical purposes, but to hide the criminal nature of the Stalinist regime and create an attractive image of the USSR in the international arena. Under conditions of a totalitarian state, they could not perform their functions, but only duplicated the power of the party's vertical.Consistently criticizing each stage of the electoral process carried out under strict party control, the OUN's ideologists arrived at the conclusion that there were no elections in the Soviet Union, and the electoral system was aimed to legitimize the power of the only party in the state – communist. According to OUN journalists, high quantitative and qualitative indicators of participation in elections did not reflect the political preferences of the population, as they were stimulated by actions of the authorities, including repressive ones.The consolidation of the dominant role of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) at the legislative level, legalized the party dictates, emphasized the ideologues of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN), and equalized all other articles of the Constitution, including electoral law. Because of this, there was a striking discrepancy of election technology with constitutional norms, which resulted in numerous abuses of electoral legislation by local authorities in the Soviet Union. As a result, a significant part of the population was eliminated from state administration and deprived of a number of other civil rights and freedoms.The article also presents the OUN theorists' the vision of the future state structure of an independent Ukrainian state, which is outlined as a parliamentary-presidential republic. Emphasizing the point on the freedom of political parties, the OUN's ideologists declared themselves adherents of democracy of the European model.The anti-election rhetoric of the underground publicists have traditionally been linked with the struggle of the Ukrainian people for liberation, emphasizing that Moscow totalitarianism poses a threat to the entire civilized world and must be destroyed. ; У статті розкрито позицію керівників ОУН стосовно радянських виборчих кампаній повоєнного періоду, оцінку ними тогочасного виборчого законодавства та представницької системи влади загалом. Показано, що українські націоналісти заперечували наявність демократії в СРСР, підкреслюючи, що демократичне виборче законодавство та представницькі інституції в умовах тоталітарного режиму не можуть виконувати належних їм функцій. Послідовно критикуючи кожний із етапів виборчого процесу, здійснюваного під жорстким партійним контролем, ідеологи ОУН приходили до висновку, що виборів, як таких у Радянському Союзі не існувало, а виборча система була націлена на легітимацію влади єдиної в державі комуністичної партії. Високі кількісні та якісні показники участі у виборах, на думку публіцистів ОУН, не відображали політичних уподобань населення, оскільки стимулювалися діями влади, зокрема числі репресивними. Висновки, зроблені підпільними публіцистами, в основному, співпадають з результатами досліджень сучасних вітчизняних і зарубіжних науковців, які вивчають систему владних відносин у СРСР.
The first part "Theoretical Principles of Studying the Criticism Phenomenon in the Humanities" provides an analytical review of the theoretical principles of the study of the strategies and tactics of criticism as a communicative act and rhetoric tool in the political discourse of Germany and Ukraine, in particular, defines the status of criticism as an interdisciplinary object in the Humanities, describes the types, forms, cultural and ethnospecific codes of criticism in different types of lingual communities and discourses, analyzes the organization of electoral discourse and communicative strategies and tactics of political criticizing, as well as linguacultural traditions of political criticism in public communications in Germany and Ukraine. The second part "Methodology of Studying Strategies and Tactics of Criticism in the Political Discourse of Germany and Ukraine" presents the methods, hypothesis, language corpus, program of the comprehensive comparative study of the strategies and tactics of criticism in the political discourse of Germany and Ukraine using methods of identification experiment, computational phonetic analysis, and two-faceted comparison, as well as statistical processing of the data. The section builds a tertium comparationis model for a two-faceted comparative analysis based on the idealized extralingual concept of "political criticism", determines the unit of analysis and means for its extraction in vatious genres of political speeches by politicians in monological and dialogical (debate) formats. The third part "Criticism Strategies and Tactics in the Political Discourse of Germany and Ukraine" presents the results of the two-faceted comparative analysis of the strategies and tactics of criticism in the political discourse of Germany and Ukraine on two levels: verbal (lexical and syntactic means of verbalizing the strategies of explicit and implicit criticism) and paraverbal (co-speech prosodic and kinesic means of supporting constructive and destructive criticism). The data received allows determining the relations of similarities and differencesin in the embodiment of the strategies and tactics of criticism in electoral campaigns as part of the political discourse of Germany and Ukraine. Further prospects for the study consist in developing universal interdisciplinary tools for analysis, interpretation and presentation of political criticism in general and in various forms of communication – in scientific discourse, in the media, in online communication, etc. ; У першому розділі "Теоретичні засади вивчення феномена критики в гуманітарних студіях" виконано аналітичний огляд теоретичних засад вивчення стратегій і тактик критики як комунікативного акту й арсеналу риторики в політичному дискурсі Німеччини й України, зокрема визначено статус критики як міждисциплінарного об'єкта в гуманітарних розвідках, описано види, форми, культурологічні та етноспецифічні риси критики в різних типах дискурсів, проаналізовано комунікативні стратегії і тактики політичного критисайзингу в період електоральної боротьби, а також лінгвокультурні традиції політичної критики в публічній комунікації Німеччини й України. У другому розділі "Методика дослідження стратегій і тактик критики в політичному дискурсі Німеччини й України" запропоновано дослідницькі методи, мовний матеріал, програму проведення комплексного дослідження стратегій і тактик критики в політичному дискурсі Німеччини й України з використанням ідентифікаційного експерименту, інструментально-фонетичного й зіставного видів аналізу, а також статистичної обробки отриманих даних. У розділі змодельовано tertium comparationis для двобічного зіставлення, основою якого є ідеалізоване позамовне поняття "політична критика", визначено одиницю аналізу й засоби її виокремлення в різножанрових (виступ у парламенті, на передвиборчих дебатах, з'їзді партії, ток-шоу) усних виступах політиків у монологічному та діалогічному форматах. У третьому розділі "Стратегії і тактики критики в політичному дискурсі Німеччини й України" подано результати двобічного зіставлення стратегій і тактик критики в політичному дискурсі Німеччини й України на двох рівнях: вербальному (лексико-синтаксичні засоби вербалізації стратегій експліцитної та імпліцитної критики) та паравербальному (просодико-кінесичні засоби оформлення стратегій конструктивної та деструктивної критики). На підставі отриманих даних визначено подібності і відмінності у стратегіях і тактиках критики в електоральній боротьбі як складника політичного дискурсу Німеччини й України. Результати роботи відкривають перспективу для розроблення універсального міждисциплінарного інструментарію, який можна застосувати для аналізу й інтерпретації політичної критики загалом, а також у різних формах комунікації – науковому дискурсі, засобах масової інформації, інтернет-комунікації тощо.
In modern conditions, state regulation in the field of innovation, encouragement of inventive intellectual activity is a mechanism for ensuring sustainable economic development of the state. It was revealed that in Ukraine there is a sufficiently substantial legislative base that allows regulating issues in the field of intellectual property, its updating is taking place in accordance with the requirements of the time. At the same time, as indicated in the Annual Report of the European Commission, intellectual property rights are systematically violated in Ukraine, thereby damaging the economic interests of the European Union. It is argued that the basic mechanism for ensuring the effectiveness of public administration in the field of intellectual property is the involvement of all subjects of public administration in lawmaking processes. It is noted that the organization of an effective system of law enforcement in the process of creating and using intellectual property objects directly affects the development of national scientific-technological and scientific-technical spheres of state life, increasing their investment image, introducing a favorable innovation climate. Indicated the need to involve all subjects of public administration in the formation of state policy in the field of intellectual property, development of legislation on the protection of industrial property and innovative proposals, updating the provisions of the Labor Code and the Civil Code of Ukraine. It is proposed to include to the Civil Code a number of provisions to ensure the remuneration of persons who have contributed to the creation, legal protection and use of inventions, industrial designs and innovative proposals; effective functioning of the intellectual property protection system created by students, listeners, cadets and teachers in the learning process. It is also proposed to create a Code of Intellectual Property, which will eliminate internal contradictions and promote the harmonization of intellectual property issues and ...
The paper looks into the phenomenon of criticism of the Russian World concept in contemporary Ukrainian religious, political and social discourses. It is shown that the propagandistic ideological narrative model, developed according to numerous historical analogs, is becoming a subject of critical analysis by specialists in many scientific areas. Experts' views coincide in many respects but there are also different stances on some disputable issues. The historical aspiration of Russia for domination and substantiation of its unique nature is considered the root of the concept. This explains the use of such narrative constructs as "Moscow is the third Rome", "specific civilization" etc. Based on evidence of competent authorities, the author proves that the concept was most likely developed by a group of leading Russian ideologists in the late 20th century. It acquired the modern conservative and nationalist form only after it had become an object of interest of Russian clerical circles and started spreading through church resources. The symbolic figure in this respect is the current Moscow Patriarch Kyrylo (Gundiaiev) who has been an active promoter of the Russian World concept from the early 21st century. After he had been voted into the Patriarch office, Kyrylo turned the Russian World into the leading church and political narrative. The wide use of the concept for political purposes was consistently criticized for undisguised militarism, aggressive and nationalistic ideas underpinning the Russian World. According to numerous experts, these ideas have no common root with Christianity, sometimes being in open contradiction with the latter. Critical studies also indicate that the basis of the Russian World is the belief that the Russian culture and language are culturally superior to historical achievements of numerous other peoples, including the Ukrainians.As historical experience shows, the use of such ideological concepts as the Russian World results in consolidation of society around one national idea and expansion of aggressive state policy to neighboring countries. ; В статье рассмотрен феномен критики концепции "русского мира" в современном украинском религиозном, политическом и общественном дискурсе. Анализ критики осуществлен по источникам, которые апеллируют к религиозным нарративам и используются как официальными представителями Русской православной церкви, так и представителями светского общества. ; У статті розглянуто феномен критики концепції "руського світу" в сучасному українському релігійному, політичному та суспільному дискурсах. Аналіз критики здійснено за джерелами, що апелюють до релігійних наративів і використовуються як офіційними представниками Російської православної церкви, так і представниками світського суспільства.
