The article focuses on the national dimensions of the EU communication policy in Sweden, Finland and Denmark. The cornerstone of the EU communication policy is the dialogue with citizens about the policies and the future of the EU. It is based on openness, transparency and accountability which greatly contribute to building citizens' trust in the authorities' activity. EU communication policy is realized through e-governance, language policy and the policy in the sphere of mass media. The aim of the article is to analyze the experience and best practices of top 3 EU countries (Sweden, Finland and Denmark) in terms of the assessment of national policies in the field of ICT and digital skills of citizens in the sphere of communication policy. The hypothesis is that these states being the leaders as to citizens' digital literacy have introduced efficient channels of involving citizens in the decision making process.
The article focuses on the national dimensions of the EU communication policy in Sweden, Finland and Denmark. The cornerstone of the EU communication policy is the dialogue with citizens about the policies and the future of the EU. It is based on openness, transparency and accountability which greatly contribute to building citizens' trust in the authorities' activity. EU communication policy is realized through e-governance, language policy and the policy in the sphere of mass media. The aim of the article is to analyze the experience and best practices of top 3 EU countries (Sweden, Finland and Denmark) in terms of the assessment of national policies in the field of ICT and digital skills of citizens in the sphere of communication policy. The hypothesis is that these states being the leaders as to citizens' digital literacy have introduced efficient channels of involving citizens in the decision making process.
Educational practices became the important factor of the genesis and implementation of national projects during the 19th century. They were notonly a channel of dissemination of modern consciousness but also a key factor of resistance against the attempts to impose the imperial consciousness and slow down the process of national consolidation of the peoples who had not developed their own sense of nationhood. In the absence of conditions for legal national and political work, educational activities were very often the only available means of nationalization of consciousness and preservation of national and cultural identity. On the other hand, under the conditions of modern society genesis the sphere of education became the arena of the most fierce struggle for «souls and consciousness», that is why in the middle of the 19th century the government of the Russian Empire took decisive steps to form the state educational system and maintain control over this part of public life. Analysis of the peculiarities of the influence of educational practices on the implementation of the Polish national project, on the one hand, and the necessity to study organizational forms and activities of Polish educational establishments in the territory of Western Ukraine during the 19th century, on the other hand, determined the topicality of the problem. ; W artykule poddano analizie wyjątkowe cechy formułowania polskiego programu narodowego na ziemiach ukraińskich w XIX wieku; określone czynniki jego transformacji. Szczególna uwaga autora skupia się na badaniu działalności dydaktycznej polskich inteligentów i mecenasów Prawobrzeża, która stała się zaczątkiem genezy świadomości narodowej współczesnego społeczeństwa. Dowiedziono, że ważnym czynnikiem realizacji polskich programów dydaktycznych było formułowanie imperialistycznej doktryny edukacyjnej, która z kolei, była skutecznym środkiem rusyfikacji w 2. połowie XIX w. Autor doszedł do wniosku, żeimperialistyczny system kształcenia był skierowany na integrację ludności Naddnieprza z narodowym rosyjskim programem, w celu unicestwienia wszelkich różnic narodowościowych, które utrudniały jego formułowanie. ; У статті проаналізовано особливості формування польського національного проекту на українських теренах упродовж ХІХ ст., визначено чинники його трансформації. Особливу увагу автор приділив дослідженню освітянської діяльності польських інтелектуалів та меценатів Правобережжя, що сприяла генезису національної свідомості модерного суспільства. Встановлено, що важливим чинником реалізації польських освітніх проектів було формування імперської освітянської доктрини, яка, в свою чергу, виступала потужним засобом русифікації упродовж другої половини ХІХ ст. Автор дійшов висновку, що імперська система освіти мала на меті інтегрувати населення Наддніпрянщини до російського національного проекту, знищивши будь-які національні відмінності, що перешкоджали його формуванню.
Multi-level governance is now an established field of public policy research. In this context there is a need to introduce two new concepts: substantiation of public policy goals and multi- level coordination of public policy goals. In the study based on this assumption a qualitative approach is used. Usefulness of these two concepts was proved by participatory action policy research on one specific goal substantiated and coordinated within Europe 2020 Strategy in the policy area of poverty. In the course of the research (2012-2015) the author was a representative of the network of social NGOs in the governmental body responsible for implementation of the Europe 2020 Strategy in Poland. The main action research tool was an attempt to modify the goal of poverty reduction decided by the government in 2011. In that process rich data was generated, analyzed, interpreted and used for subsequent actions. The effect of the research is a deep insight and understanding of multi-level governance process in a specific policy area and a proposal for two new concepts. Emerging new research areas were proposed and discussed.
There are also theoretical issues such as: adequacy of this discipline of knowledge to the analysis of the realities of public action in Poland. This issue arises due to the fact that public policy emerged as a discipline of knowledge in the Anglo-Saxon tradition, on the basis of its specificity. Moreover, the theories evident in public policy science have been developed in the West, mainly in America. The local realities were the basis. Therefore, the question arises whether we should build our theories or adapt those that have been developed elsewhere. Meanwhile, we do not have many or even most elements of the Anglo-Saxon tradition, even in terms of the size of our analytical achievements. We are not even inclined to conduct such an advanced analysis of social and economic phenomena. Hence, it seems important to me to ask about the theoretical potential of this discipline in relation to the analysis of public activities in Poland.
The network of hospitals was implemented by an amendment of healthcare services financed from public funds. The act was introduced on 1st October 2017. The goals of the new organization of healthcare were not written directly in in the law or in the justification of the draft bill. It is supposed that the Ministry of Health planned through these changes to strengthen public hospitals and limit competition of public financing for private hospitals. The aim of the article is to stress the role of public policy in programming law changes in the future. The implementation of the science of public policy could improve the quality of the Polish law in the healthcare system.
Autor analizuje proces europeizacji w polityce publicznej. Definiuje go jako systematyczne przenikanie, a także transfer oraz konwergencję unijnych i zachodnich wzorców działania publicznego oraz pomysłów i rozwiązań problemów. Wskazuje, że europeizacja – niejako sama z siebie – nie zapewnia bezpośrednio mechanizmu podnoszenia efektywności działań publicznych w danym państwie (w sensie podnoszenia zdolności do uzyskiwania większych korzyści z wydanych środków). Unijna polityka publiczna – rozumiana jako działania inicjowane przez instytucje unijne – ma bowiem inną konstrukcję niż polityka krajowa, a tym samym oddziałuje na nią w dość selektywny sposób. Przede wszystkim instytucje unijne nie posiadają znaczącego wpływu na ten etap kształtowania polityki, jakim jest implementacja (poza kwestiami zgodności krajowego porządku prawnego z unijnym prawodawstwem).
Objective: The aim of the paper is to present an analysis of the research policy of the USA, understood as the integral part of the US public policy. This is the way it has been presented in recent publications in the field.Research design and methods: Research policy might be an effective means of stimulating socio-economic development. The literature review helps to define the distinctive features of the American research policy.Reasoning: The paper starts with an overview of publications appreciating the role of new technologies. The activities of the federal government are then analyzed with the emphasis on stimulating and supporting innovations in the US. The exploration of the connections between technological progress and economic cycles completes the analysis.Findings: In contrast to some popular claims, 21st century technological progress is driven not only by the invisible hand of the market but also by the often neglected interventions of the government.Implications and recommendations: Innovations require some form of public authorities support. It is vital to remember that this support should be broadly understood, including for example even the early stages of education. ; Celem jest zaprezentowanie polityki naukowej USA jako integralnej części polityki publicznej USA, tak jak jest ona postrzegana w najnowszych publikacjach dotyczących tej problematyki.Problem i metody badawcze: Polityka naukowa może być narzędziem stymulującym rozwój społeczno‑ekonomiczny. Zastosowany przegląd literatury przedmiotu z XXI wieku pozwala na odnalezienie istotnych cech amerykańskiej polityki naukowej.Proces wywodu: Artykuł rozpoczyna omówienie publikacji podkreślających znaczenie nowoczesnych technologii. Następnie omówiono działania władz federalnych mających na celu pobudzenie i wspieranie innowacyjności w USA. Związki postępu technologicznego z cyklami gospodarczymi podsumowują znaczenie polityki naukowej.Wyniki analizy naukowej: Wbrew prezentowanym czasem opiniom – w XXI wieku o postępie technologicznym decyduje nie tylko niewidzialna ręka rynku, ale także często niedostrzegana interwencja rządu.Wnioski, rekomendacje, innowacje: Innowacyjność wymaga wsparcia ze strony władz publicznych, przy czym należy pamiętać, że wspieranie innowacyjności dotyczyć powinno szerokiego spektrum działań, obejmującego i wstępne poziomy edukacji.
The European Union currently operates three types of competence: exclusive, shared and supporting (complementary and harmonization). For each country, it is very important autonomous power of taxation and the ensuing independence in shaping tax policy. Countries acceding to the European Union, however, have to reckon with the fact that 80 Artur Kuś Studia z Polityki Publicznej since joining will not have a kind of monopoly on the creation of a fully independent and autonomous tax regulations. EU tax law is primarily the proper functioning of the EU internal market. The aim of the tax legislation is mainly provide income for the state. Thus, the main feature of the national tax law is fiscal function and the EU's - the proper functioning of the internal market. EU tax law in the broad sense (sensu largo) is the collection of EU law (primary and secondary) concerning and affecting the tax law of the Member States. EU tax law in the strict sense (sensu stricto) is a set of rules while EU law relating to and used directly in the tax law of the Member States of the EU. In the simplest terms it can be assumed that these are the rules relating to the taxation mainly indirect taxes.
The purpose of the paper is to study the actions undertaken by the European institutions, aiming at a larger openness of resources, such as cultural works, scientific publications and educational materials, as well as to examine the motivations and results thereof. The European Union, being the area of production of a significant number of works belonging to each of the aforementioned categories, views these resources as strategic to its development. Thus it has taken diverse measures in order to maintain an appropriate balance between the public (social) interests, understood as open access to the resources, and the private interests, prioritising the protection of the owner's rights. The paper demonstrates that these actions are not uniform due to a diverse character and standing of these resources in the economy. The first instruments regarding scientific and educational resources had been implemented ten years before the implementation of legislative measures concerning the cultural products. Hence the public interests, meaning users' access, were treated as more important than the private proprietary rights.
The Polish energy policy is one of the crucial elements of country's ratio legis. As a public policy, it is a common ground for multiple groups of interest and their activities aimed at achieving what they perceive as a success. It may be maintaining the structure of the Polish energy industry, modernizing it in accordance of the EU's directives, reducing the energy prices or achieving independence from supplies brought in from one country, to achieve security through diversification. Think tanks in Poland are active participants in the conflict of interests presented by M. Considine: they act for achieving the change in the Polish energy policy and they aim at influencing the government and other political bodies to obtain legal regulations which reflect the think tank's set of values. Their presence in the game of interest reflects the theoretical approach of Josef Braml, and shows the possibilities and limitations of subjects from the "third sector" in their interaction with administrative bodies. The major handicap of expert institutions is limited by the possibility of imposing political change through the systemic (legal) means. On the other hand, as it is indicated by example of Instytut Sobieskiego and Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość) party, they are capable of influencing the program through participation in the works of the "shadow cabinet" and persuading the party members to include the postulates of increased regulation and maintenance on hard coal as the primary energy source into political agenda, which increases substantial knowledge and preparation for debate on the MP's side. ; The Polish energy policy is one of the crucial elements of country's ratio legis. As a public policy, it is a common ground for multiple groups of interest and their activities aimed at achieving what they perceive as a success. It may be maintaining the structure of the Polish energy industry, modernizing it in accordance of the EU's directives, reducing the energy prices or achieving independence from supplies brought in from one country, to achieve security through diversification. Think tanks in Poland are active participants in the conflict of interests presented by M. Considine: they act for achieving the change in the Polish energy policy and they aim at influencing the government and other political bodies to obtain legal regulations which reflect the think tank's set of values. Their presence in the game of interest reflects the theoretical approach of Josef Braml, and shows the possibilities and limitations of subjects from the "third sector" in their interaction with administrative bodies. The major handicap of expert institutions is limited by the possibility of imposing political change through the systemic (legal) means. On the other hand, as it is indicated by example of Instytut Sobieskiego and Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość) party, they are capable of influencing the program through participation in the works of the "shadow cabinet" and persuading the party members to include the postulates of increased regulation and maintenance on hard coal as the primary energy source into political agenda, which increases substantial knowledge and preparation for debate on the MP's side.The Polish energy policy is one of the crucial elements of country's ratiolegis. As a public policy, it is a common ground for multiple groupsof interest and their activities aimed at achieving what they perceiveas a success. It may be maintaining the structure of the Polish energyindustry, modernizing it in accordance of the EU's directives, reducingthe energy prices or achieving independence from supplies broughtin from one country, to achieve security through diversification. Thinktanks in Poland are active participants in the conflict of interests presentedby M. Considine: they act for achieving the change in the Polishenergy policy and they aim at influencing the government and otherpolitical bodies to obtain legal regulations which reflect the think tank'sset of values. Their presence in the game of interest reflects the theoreticalapproach of Josef Braml, and shows the possibilities and limitationsof subjects from the "third sector" in their interaction withadministrative bodies. The major handicap of expert institutions is limitedby the possibility of imposing political change through the systemic(legal) means. On the other hand, as it is indicated by exampleof Instytut Sobieskiego and Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość)party, they are capable of influencing the program through participationin the works of the "shadow cabinet" and persuading the partymembers to include the postulates of increased regulation and maintenanceon hard coal as the primary energy source into political agenda,which increases substantial knowledge and preparation for debateon the MP's side.
The article tries to bring to the light the role of symbolism in the organized human life, in general, and the contemporary societies with the accelerating changes almost in all social structures, in particular. The rational of symbolism in changing socio-political and legal environment creates complexity of the issue, which has been studied in the article, taking into account the methodology of complex system theory. The interconnectivity and interdependency of law, morality and politics create the picture of synergy of different social norms with each other in changing environment. Their positive synergy is able to create a perception of the 'ethical state' – the focal point of equilibrium expressed in the attractor of future admired development. In the legal perspective, the symbol of that attractor appears to be the constitution as the society's and the nation's symbol of coexistence based on the values of mutual past, necessary present and admired future. It is substantiated that the Constitution is the phenomenon, representing a concrete constitutional idea and constitutional identity, and should be the one to be considered as such in a lot of people's minds if we intend to have a proper constitutional system and values. Hence, the Constitution is not just a document with a highest legal force, but also a symbol of a concrete constitutional system, and from this viewpoint the Basic Law has a symbolic significance. The authors substantiate that the mentioned significance of the Constitution makes it clear that constitutional policy in any state should be established and implemented in a manner, obviously demonstrating an attitude towards the Constitution, in the frames of which it is considered as a symbol of a concrete constitutional system. The most important circumstance in this context is to never transform the Constitution (directly or indirectly) from a symbol to an instrument in the hands of both the people and the state power and the whole constitutional policy of the state should be based on the discussed essential idea. Moreover, according to the authors the Constitution should not be subject to amendment parallel to every change of political situation of the state or formation of a new political majority merely conditioned by the mentioned changes. The Constitution has a fundamental role from the aspect of regulating social relations, has symbolic significance and can't be used just as a tool for solving ongoing political problems.
The article presents the problem of fiscal imbalance in the Russian Federation and the mechanisms of its equalization. These mechanisms are one of the key elements of budgetary relations, due to significant differences in the level of economic development of federal subjects, resulting in horizontal and vertical fiscal imbalance. The paper presents the most important mechanisms from the early 90 s. Most attention was paid to the main method of guaranteeing financial security - The Fund for Financial Support of Subjects. Until 2008 an important element of the financial system had been other special funds (eg. The Federal Fund for Regional Development, The Federal Compensation Fund), replaced by intergovernmental grants. The main principles, objectives and implications of these mechanisms were described. Part of the work was dedicated to showing federal entities' dependence on financial transfers from the federal level. The outcome was that equalization results proved to be weak, mechanisms were unstable and not always formalized so as not to be subject to current policy needs.
The article's objective is to analyse the process of Europeanisation of Greek foreign policy towards North Macedonia. The author has attempted to present the main conceptual assumptions regarding this process, pointing to the multiplicity of definitions and research directions, and has subsequently highlighted the evolution of Greek foreign policy towards North Macedonia in the context of the Europeanisation of Greek diplomacy. In the conclusions, the author has emphasised that this particular Europeanisation is somewhat sinusoidal and is conditioned upon a number of factors, including the nature of relations between the Greek political elites and the society of that country. The article has also highlighted that Greece has gradually been shaping its image as a Europeanised country with a credible and predictable foreign policy.
