Suchergebnisse

In the articleUzbekistan's accession to international documents developed and adopted within the framework of UNESCO contributes to the international legal protection of our cultural heritage by the world community, Uzbekistan's scientific potential, science, culture, historical programs, unique archeological and architectural complexes, national and spiritual masterpieces. Along with the wide range of opportunities to promote and increase the effectiveness of their work in this area, the further development of our legislation in this area, as well as the further development of education, science, culture, information and communication technologies in Uzbekistan. and focuses on opportunities to help it stay strong in its place among influential states. The reason is that the state independence of Uzbekistan is a legitimate result of the hard and arduous struggle of our people for many years. Now the fate of our people is in their hands, they are working hard to strengthen the independence of their country. As an independent state, Uzbekistan has become a party to international conventions and influential world organizations such as the UN, OSCE and ILO. Since gaining its independence, Uzbekistan has taken the path of establishing and developing interstate relations with influential countries around the world, defining the main directions of foreign policy and finally joining UNESCO, one of the 15 specialized organizations of the United Nations. The results of the cooperation since its accession in October to the present are described in the article. The article also covers the relations of our country with UNESCO and its history during the period of national independence. Finally, Uzbekistan's integration into the world community, mutually beneficial political, diplomatic, economic and cultural ties with the world's largest, developed countries are widely covered. The most important thing is that in a short historical period, Uzbekistan has taken a worthy place in the world community, rising to the level of a state with its own independent voice on global issues.

In the articleUzbekistan's accession to international documents developed and adopted within the framework of UNESCO contributes to the international legal protection of our cultural heritage by the world community, Uzbekistan's scientific potential, science, culture, historical programs, unique archeological and architectural complexes, national and spiritual masterpieces. Along with the wide range of opportunities to promote and increase the effectiveness of their work in this area, the further development of our legislation in this area, as well as the further development of education, science, culture, information and communication technologies in Uzbekistan. and focuses on opportunities to help it stay strong in its place among influential states. The reason is that the state independence of Uzbekistan is a legitimate result of the hard and arduous struggle of our people for many years. Now the fate of our people is in their hands, they are working hard to strengthen the independence of their country. As an independent state, Uzbekistan has become a party to international conventions and influential world organizations such as the UN, OSCE and ILO. Since gaining its independence, Uzbekistan has taken the path of establishing and developing interstate relations with influential countries around the world, defining the main directions of foreign policy and finally joining UNESCO, one of the 15 specialized organizations of the United Nations. The results of the cooperation since its accession in October to the present are described in the article. The article also covers the relations of our country with UNESCO and its history during the period of national independence. Finally, Uzbekistan's integration into the world community, mutually beneficial political, diplomatic, economic and cultural ties with the world's largest, developed countries are widely covered. The most important thing is that in a short historical period, Uzbekistan has taken a worthy place in the world community, rising to the level of a state with its own independent voice on global issues.

In this article, the conceptual and doctrinal foundations of the ideas of non-use of force and ensuring peace in the foreign policy of Uzbekistan are investigated in chronological order. The foreign policy of Uzbekistan is, first of all, a course aimed at ensuring vital tasks, primarily for the state and society. Uzbekistan's foreign policy strategy is primarily aimed at ensuring integration into the world community. The deepening of the country's integration into the world community in the current difficult conditions of international relations is an important task facing the foreign policy of Uzbekistan. The conceptual idea of foreign policy and foreign policy of the Republic of Uzbekistan is the indivisibility of security and joint and partnership actions to ensure it. The problem of national and regional security occupies an important place in Uzbekistan's foreign policy. One of the main tasks in the foreign policy of Uzbekistan was the formation of a system of regional security, which is necessary both for the republics of Central Asia and for the vast geographical area bordering the region. Another advanced idea for Uzbekistan's foreign policy is the postulate that the problems of the Central Asian region should be solved without the intervention of external forces and only by the countries of the region. Given all this, the cornerstone of Uzbekistan's foreign policy remains the non-use of force and the threat of force, and the maintenance and observance of peace. The article examines the changes occurring in the foreign policy of Uzbekistan, their regulatory consolidation, guidelines for the short, medium and long-term perspective, and on the basis of this, a number of scientific conclusions and practical recommendations are given.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; The article examines contemporary museums as a special educational environment for the development of subjects' (especially children's) historical knowledge, on the basis of the analysis of a) different museums and different approaches to history education, in terms of their epistemological background, and b) relevant research results. It is supported that the use of museum objects and collections as historical sources and their interpretation as historical evidence can introduce subjects to History as an «episteme», enable them to realise historical uncertainty, historical relativity and historical questioning, recall and develop historical knowledge in close relation to historical thinking and skills. Carefully organised educational programmes that aim to develop subjects' historical knowledge within a museum environment may also have great political significance, if they enable subjects to realise their right and abilities in «breaking», investigating, «reading» and interpreting historical, cultural and social codes, and to articulate and communicate their own speech.

Athena Syriatou, Duty and Instinct: History in Schools in Post-war Britain 1945-1995 This article deals with the moral role of history in post-war British education, by examining the relationship between the expectations of educationalists and intellectuals from history teaching at schools, and the actual changes which did occur in the classroom on the subject of history as a result of general changes in society and education. It argues that despite the intentions of the educationalists who saw history teaching as a means of promoting ideas which were considered necessary for the moral upbringing of the nation, these ideas very often never reached the classroom or they were considerably altered, demonstrating different ideological dynamics in British society. It initially focuses on the immediate post-war decade when international is educationalists were arguing for the need of history teaching which leads to a world citizenship. The idea of an internationalist approach on history contradicted the conservative, Britocentric, Whiggish history which was finally taught at schools during that period, since there were very few new books published, while civil servants from the Ministry of Education were concerned with the more urgent problems of schools which were affected by enemy action rather than new views on history teaching. The second period which is examined is the decade of mid sixties until mid seventies. Great changes were initiated then, to cover the disparity between the two tier system of education, with the introduction of comprehensive secondary schools, which at the time were considered to contribute to further démocratisation of the welfare state. The spirit of a more tolerant, affluent and democratic society led some educationalists to propose the expulsion of history from schools and its replacement with other humanities such as sociology and behavioural studies. However, history did remain at schools during that period and in many ways it incorporated the new ideas, creating the so called 'new history' with the efforts of the progressive, non traditionalist, and often leftist historians. Problems of implementation of the new history' appeared during the following years as a result of the difference of academic standards at schools which at this period comprehensive education could not eliminate. The final period which is examined is the decade of mid eighties until mid nineties when the New Right ideology was dominant in the political scene, while a National Curriculum for all schools was deemed necessary. Educational planners of the Conservative Party argued that history should teach again traditional values, which were, according to them, intrinsic to the British nation. However, the National Curriculum for History which was drafted by educationalists coming various convictions,(nevertheless appointed by the Conservative government), was closer to the beliefs of the new history' creators, rather than the beliefs and national values that the Conservatives initially wanted to promote. ; Athena Syriatou, Duty and Instinct: History in Schools in Post-war Britain 1945-1995 This article deals with the moral role of history in post-war British education, by examining the relationship between the expectations of educationalists and intellectuals from history teaching at schools, and the actual changes which did occur in the classroom on the subject of history as a result of general changes in society and education. It argues that despite the intentions of the educationalists who saw history teaching as a means of promoting ideas which were considered necessary for the moral upbringing of the nation, these ideas very often never reached the classroom or they were considerably altered, demonstrating different ideological dynamics in British society. It initially focuses on the immediate post-war decade when international is educationalists were arguing for the need of history teaching which leads to a world citizenship. The idea of an internationalist approach on history contradicted the conservative, Britocentric, Whiggish history which was finally taught at schools during that period, since there were very few new books published, while civil servants from the Ministry of Education were concerned with the more urgent problems of schools which were affected by enemy action rather than new views on history teaching. The second period which is examined is the decade of mid sixties until mid seventies. Great changes were initiated then, to cover the disparity between the two tier system of education, with the introduction of comprehensive secondary schools, which at the time were considered to contribute to further démocratisation of the welfare state. The spirit of a more tolerant, affluent and democratic society led some educationalists to propose the expulsion of history from schools and its replacement with other humanities such as sociology and behavioural studies. However, history did remain at schools during that period and in many ways it incorporated the new ideas, creating the so called 'new history' with the efforts of the progressive, non traditionalist, and often leftist historians. Problems of implementation of the new history' appeared during the following years as a result of the difference of academic standards at schools which at this period comprehensive education could not eliminate. The final period which is examined is the decade of mid eighties until mid nineties when the New Right ideology was dominant in the political scene, while a National Curriculum for all schools was deemed necessary. Educational planners of the Conservative Party argued that history should teach again traditional values, which were, according to them, intrinsic to the British nation. However, the National Curriculum for History which was drafted by educationalists coming various convictions,(nevertheless appointed by the Conservative government), was closer to the beliefs of the new history' creators, rather than the beliefs and national values that the Conservatives initially wanted to promote.

The role and place of public diplomacy in international relations, peace and stability, and the strengthening of mutual relations among nations are constantly increasing in the context of globalization. People's diplomacy plays an important role in shaping friendly relations between Uzbekistan and the international community with political, diplomatic and economic ties. In the development of public diplomacy, scientists, science and culture representatives, educational institutions, public and religious organizations, as well as public associations founded by fellow citizens, play a key role in the development of public diplomacy. The article aims to provide a systematic illustration of the history of cooperation of the Republic of Uzbekistan with Germany within the framework of public diplomacy. It follows from the following tasks: The Role of Public Diplomacy in Foreign Policy of Uzbekistan; Opening of the main directions of the German cooperation in the field of public diplomacy; The role of societies in the cooperation of the Republic of Uzbekistan with public diplomacy with Germany. The research has been used in the analysis, synthesis, history, logic research ways. The external mining partnership, formed in connection with public diplomacy, has given its results in the short run. In 1992, the Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Uzbekistan received 36 representatives from 9 countries (England, Germany, Israel, India, Malaysia, Turkey, USA, France and JAR). In 1993, about 160 countries recognized the independence of Uzbekistan and established diplomatic relations with 60 countries. In 1993, The First President of the Republic of Uzbekistan Islam Karimov visited Germany, France, England, the Netherlands, Japan and India. As a result of the visit, an agreement on cultural cooperation was signed with India, Turkey, Germany, France, Great Britain and China. The development of public diplomacy has played a significant role in the Uzbek Culture Days in Germany and the German Cultural Days in Uzbekistan. At the same time, the role of art and theater days in the countries in the development of cooperation between two countries in the sphere of culture was particularly significant. The role of friendship societies and cultural centers in the development of bilateral relations between two states in Eurasia – Germany and Uzbekistan is immense. The role of "Uzbekistan-Germany" Friendship Society and "Germany-Uzbekistan" societies, which unite representatives of two nations in the development of cooperation within the framework of people diplomacy are unique.

Emiliano J. Buis examines the sources of classical Greece to challenge both the state-centeredness of mainstream international legal history and the omnipresence of war and excessive violence in ancient times. Making ample use of epigraphic as well as literary, rhetorical, and historiographical sources, the book offers the first widespread account of the narrative foundations of the (il)legality of warfare in the classical Hellenic world. In a clear yet sophisticated manner, Buis convincingly proves that the traditionally neglected study of the performance of ancient Greek poleis can contribute to a better historical understanding of those principles of international law underlying the practices and applicable rules on the use of force and the conduct of hostilities

Michalis P. Liberatos, Historical Time and the interpretations of the history of the Greek Civil War: the methodological problemsThe idea of historical time is crucial from a methodological point of view as far as the study of political and social history are concerned. Especially about the history of the Greek Civil War, a period that convulsed public opinion and caused scientific interpretations overwhelmed by ideological and epistemological «burdens». The most important of them is the idea of a time constant, continual, without turnovers and breaks, that is time in the «common sense». This «time», according to its origins, self-determines its evolution, its «determination» explains all of the aspects and the historical stages and facts. This is the traditional assumption that change has always to be explained in terms of something fixed and unchangeable. As for the policy of the Greek Communist Party this notion of time provokes some historians to an explanation that associates this policy with the origins of its philosophical program and not with the «real history». This approach avoids to enquiry into the adaptation of this program to the demands of political relations in time, to counter policies and as a specification of social representations. It is mainly an unaltered policy that arises as the outcome of an assemblage of antecedent events that compose a passage of identities. Because of this domination of this notion of the «continuity» of time, the study of Greek Civil War reproduced the ideological configurations of the past. Therefore it has degraded very important aspects of historical reality, without giving adequate answers about them. These are the question of the deepest tasks of KKE and its strategy, the causes of the unscheduled creation of Democratic Army (ΔΣΕ) in the mountains, the role of the rival political powers, the extent of the possibilities of a negotiation, the relation between Greeks and the Great Powers. As the recent historical enquiries has showed —the edition of a book of Ph. Iliou signalled a new era in the interpretation of this period— a different methodological attitude is perhaps primarily useful on account of the errors it enables one to avoid, in particular in constructing the historical object. This article presents the implication between the dominant notion of «time», the difficulties in explanations and with the ability to overcome the epistemological «burdens» if is to be called into question the idea of historical time. This is important in order to break away from some presuppositions that are tacitly accepted by some historians. This new notion of time sweeps away the naively idealistic view of continuity, that traditional approaches have raised. Because it is history and the internal dynamic which carries evolution and not the historical unchanged «purposes». ; Michalis P. Liberatos, Historical Time and the interpretations of the history of the Greek Civil War: the methodological problemsThe idea of historical time is crucial from a methodological point of view as far as the study of political and social history are concerned. Especially about the history of the Greek Civil War, a period that convulsed public opinion and caused scientific interpretations overwhelmed by ideological and epistemological «burdens». The most important of them is the idea of a time constant, continual, without turnovers and breaks, that is time in the «common sense». This «time», according to its origins, self-determines its evolution, its «determination» explains all of the aspects and the historical stages and facts. This is the traditional assumption that change has always to be explained in terms of something fixed and unchangeable. As for the policy of the Greek Communist Party this notion of time provokes some historians to an explanation that associates this policy with the origins of its philosophical program and not with the «real history». This approach avoids to enquiry into the adaptation of this program to the demands of political relations in time, to counter policies and as a specification of social representations. It is mainly an unaltered policy that arises as the outcome of an assemblage of antecedent events that compose a passage of identities. Because of this domination of this notion of the «continuity» of time, the study of Greek Civil War reproduced the ideological configurations of the past. Therefore it has degraded very important aspects of historical reality, without giving adequate answers about them. These are the question of the deepest tasks of KKE and its strategy, the causes of the unscheduled creation of Democratic Army (ΔΣΕ) in the mountains, the role of the rival political powers, the extent of the possibilities of a negotiation, the relation between Greeks and the Great Powers. As the recent historical enquiries has showed —the edition of a book of Ph. Iliou signalled a new era in the interpretation of this period— a different methodological attitude is perhaps primarily useful on account of the errors it enables one to avoid, in particular in constructing the historical object. This article presents the implication between the dominant notion of «time», the difficulties in explanations and with the ability to overcome the epistemological «burdens» if is to be called into question the idea of historical time. This is important in order to break away from some presuppositions that are tacitly accepted by some historians. This new notion of time sweeps away the naively idealistic view of continuity, that traditional approaches have raised. Because it is history and the internal dynamic which carries evolution and not the historical unchanged «purposes».