Suchergebnisse

The Treaty of Trianon (hereinafter Trianon), the enormous losses of territory and co-ethnics, and the shaking of Hungary's status as a dominant power in the Carpathian Basin imputed a tragic understanding of contemporary Hungarian history on the Hungarian society, invoking the idea of a trauma lasting even today. Trianon's understanding became a divisive issue for political parties after 1989, highlighting the ever-deeper divisions between right and left-liberals, since 2010. Its "overcoming" is a flagship project of the government's politics of identity, with modest success so far. Thus, the 100th anniversary was a crucial moment as a test case for a self-professed nationalist, traditionalist, conservative political force for manifesting a comprehensive politics of memory. In the light of the newly built monument at the heart of Budapest, with the Hungarian names of all localities on the territory of pre-1918 Hungary inscribed on its wall, a cautious shifting back to territorial revisionism was expected. In this article, I will argue that even with such tendencies being, obviously, present, the official commemorations were crafted with a surprising message, that attempts to turn the canonical understanding of Trianon upside down and reframe it into a common catastrophe of Central Europe. Doing so places the consequences in the context of the decolonization of history, the present decline of empires, and the emergence of nation-states while combining it with important tropes of the traditional, anti-liberal and revisionist Trianon discourse. Nevertheless, the result is a transparently political message that is not only driven by easily visible actual political goals (V4 and Central European), but one that detaches the politics of memory from historical references and legacies and creates a set of shallow symbols for utter instrumentalization, to recombine at will, in a vulgarised sense of post-modernism.

The history of the Polish parliamentarianism has aroused numerous disputes since long due to many factors, causing difficulties in determining the beginnings of existence of this institution in the former Poland. The basic problem emerged in the distinction of the term "Sejm" ("Polish Parliament") from the earlier rallies, court veches, local conventions or those covering larger areas of the country, or even all-state conventions, summoned by the particular regional dukes and after the unification of the state by monarchs. The disputes were related to the critical look at the role of Parliament in the history of the state: some glorified it, others expressed their critical view, determined by the historical school which the particular author belonged to. During those disputes, the final form was gained by the Polish Parliament as a bicameral parliament with the king, as one of the states, with the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies in the years 1493–1505. ; The history of the Polish parliamentarianism has aroused numerous disputes since long due to many factors, causing difficulties in determining the beginnings of existence of this institution in the former Poland. The basic problem emerged in the distinction of the term "Sejm" ("Polish Parliament") from the earlier rallies, court veches, local conventions or those covering larger areas of the country, or even all-state conventions, summoned by the particular regional dukes and after the unification of the state by monarchs. The disputes were related to the critical look at the role of Parliament in the history of the state: some glorified it, others expressed their critical view, determined by the historical school which the particular author belonged to. During those disputes, the final form was gained by the Polish Parliament as a bicameral parliament with the king, as one of the states, with the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies in the years 1493–1505.

The Monuments of History is a collection of over 100 most valuable monuments in Poland. At the same time, the Monuments of History are one of the 5 forms of protection of monuments, specified in Polish legislation. These circumstances make it necessary to assess the functioning of this form of the monuments protection. Many elements in the concept of the Monuments of History, the procedure of their nomination and the substantive assessment are taken over from the UNESCO World Heritage System. Therefore, this system may be a point of reference for the evaluation of the functioning of the Monuments of History. At the same time, on the basis of this comparison, it is possible to indicate directions for improving the functioning of the Monuments of History. The paper discusses fundamental aspects of the functioning of the Monuments of History – including the place and role of the Monuments of History in the Polish system of the monuments protection, the procedure of nomination, the procedure of evaluation, the relationship of the Monuments of History with the assets of the UNESCO World Heritage. ; Pomniki Historii to zbiór ponad 100 najcenniejszych zabytków w Polsce. Jednocześnie Pomniki Historii to jedna z 5 form ochrony zabytków, określonych w polskim prawodawstwie. Te okoliczności sprawiają, że konieczna jest ocena funkcjonowania tej formy ochrony zabytków. Wiele elementów w koncepcji Pomników Historii, procedurze ich nominowania, oraz merytorycznej ocenie jest przejętych z systemu Światowego Dziedzictwa UNESCO. Dlatego też ten system możne być punktem odniesienia do oceny funkcjonowania Pomników Historii. Jednocześnie w oparciu o to porównanie można wskazać kierunki doskonalenia funkcjonowania Pomników Historii. W artykule omówiono zasadnicze aspekty funkcjonowania Pomników Historii – m.in. miejsce i rolę Pomników Historii w polskim systemie ochrony zabytków, procedury nominowania, procedurę oceny, relację Pomników Historii z dobrami Światowego Dziedzictwa UNESCO.

Energy security is indisputably one of the pillars of national security and it is of paramount importance for both the political stability and the economy. Dissolution of the USSR in 1989 left many states in Central and Eastern Europe dependent on Russia in terms of energy. All of these countries commenced difficult and time consuming process of building their own energy security. After more than thirty years since the beginning of this process it is worth analyzing how these countries have coped with this challenge and what strategies of shaping energy security have been applied. For the purpose of this article three countries were analyzed: Poland, Lithuania and Belarus. The selection of these three particular states is justified by the fact that they vary in terms of population, economic potential and geopolitical situation. They have been implementing different models of energy security and this gives a solid base for assessment of their effectiveness. ; Bezpieczeństwo energetyczne państwa jest bezsprzecznie jednym z filarów bezpieczeństwa narodowego i ma fundamentalne znaczenie zarówno polityczne, jak i gospodarcze. Rozpad ZSRR w 1989 r. postawił szereg państw Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej w obliczu uzależnienia energetycznego od Rosji. Każde z nich rozpoczęło trudny i czasochłonny proces budowania bezpieczeństwa energetycznego. Po ponad 30 latach trwania tego procesu warto dokonać analizy, jak kraje poradziły sobie z tym wyzwaniem oraz jaką strategię kształtowania bezpieczeństwa energetycznego przyjęły. Na potrzeby niniejszego artykułu dokonano analizy trzech krajów regionu: Polski, Litwy oraz Białorusi. Wybór był nieprzypadkowy, gdyż państwa te są zróżnicowane pod względem liczby ludności, potencjału ekonomicznego i sytuacji geopolitycznej. Realizują różne modele bezpieczeństwa energetycznego, co daje podstawę do oceny ich efektywności.

Energy security is indisputably one of the pillars of national security and it is of paramount importance for both the political stability and the economy. Dissolution of the USSR in 1989 left many states in Central and Eastern Europe dependent on Russia in terms of energy. All of these countries commenced difficult and time consuming process of building their own energy security. After more than thirty years since the beginning of this process it is worth analyzing how these countries have coped with this challenge and what strategies of shaping energy security have been applied. For the purpose of this article three countries were analyzed: Poland, Lithuania and Belarus. The selection of these three particular states is justified by the fact that they vary in terms of population, economic potential and geopolitical situation. They have been implementing different models of energy security and this gives a solid base for assessment of their effectiveness. ; Bezpieczeństwo energetyczne państwa jest bezsprzecznie jednym z filarów bezpieczeństwa narodowego i ma fundamentalne znaczenie zarówno polityczne, jak i gospodarcze. Rozpad ZSRR w 1989 r. postawił szereg państw Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej w obliczu uzależnienia energetycznego od Rosji. Każde z nich rozpoczęło trudny i czasochłonny proces budowania bezpieczeństwa energetycznego. Po ponad 30 latach trwania tego procesu warto dokonać analizy, jak kraje poradziły sobie z tym wyzwaniem oraz jaką strategię kształtowania bezpieczeństwa energetycznego przyjęły. Na potrzeby niniejszego artykułu dokonano analizy trzech krajów regionu: Polski, Litwy oraz Białorusi. Wybór był nieprzypadkowy, gdyż państwa te są zróżnicowane pod względem liczby ludności, potencjału ekonomicznego i sytuacji geopolitycznej. Realizują różne modele bezpieczeństwa energetycznego, co daje podstawę do oceny ich efektywności.

Transitions, democratization and recent democratic backsliding in CEE provide
a rich context for examining the meaning and shifting of civic activism and how people
participate and organize in civil society today. This article offers a fresh and comparative
analysis based on empirical data on the question of what motivates formal and informal
activism, and the potentially transformative role of civil society that has recently faced
such challenges as democratic backsliding, shrinking public space and polarization. It
looks specifically at the responses of Polish and Hungarian activists and advocacy CSOs
to these new challenges. Their strategies bring an important lesson on how civil society
actors can adapt, continue their mission, or even turn challenges into opportunities.
These new trends indicate that civic space in CEE is shifting which is further influenced
by the reactions to new forms of social, economic and political crises. It is argued that
this shift and the new trends in civic activism require not only fresh empirical data, but
also a revision of normative and methodological approaches that have so far been used
in civil society and social movement research.

The article presents the reflection on current propositions regarding new ideas of the European integrity in the social and political literature of the last years. Having assumed that the present economic crisis concerning especially the common currency – euro, therefore the crisis touching the European Union member states directly, has provoked the serious identity problem of the European Union itself, many authors are looking for other visions and there is a whole range of them: from the Union breaking-up ("Good-bye Europe"), through the social contract (as with Rousseau), and the neo-empire (revival of the medieval empire), the post-national democracy (without national states, without Westphalian states) to close federation. As they do not have the character of realistic projects ready to be applied, one cannot omit them, because they are building the excellent doctrinal background to the European integration. ; Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim

Striving to become a world leader in political and economic terms, the European Union has been pursuing development policy based on the development of information society, building an innovative knowledge economy and protecting the environment and its resources for nearly two decades. The development and modernisation of the European Union and its Member States are currently dependent on the effects of the implementation of the Europe 2020 socio-economic development strategy pursued since 2010. The author of the study is interested in the prospects for the implementation of the Europe 2020 Strategy. Analysing the degree of the realisation of selected indicators of the strategy and socio-economic determinants of the development of the European Union and its Member States the author attempt to resolve the issue of the possibility of full implementation of the strategy by 2020. ; Dążąc do uzyskania pozycji światowego lidera w wymiarze politycznym i gospodarczym Unia Europejska od blisko dwóch dekad stara się realizować politykę rozwoju opartą na rozwoju społeczeństwa informacyjnego, budowie innowacyjnej Gospodarki Opartej na Wiedzy oraz ochronie środowiska naturalnego i jego zasobów. Rozwój oraz modernizacja Unii Europejskiej i jej państw członkowskich zależą obecnie od efektów wdrażania realizowanej od 2010 r. strategii rozwoju społeczno-gospodarczego Europa 2020. Przedmiotem zainteresowania autora pracy są perspektywy wdrażania strategii Europa 2020. Analizując stopień realizacji wybranych wskaźników strategii oraz społeczno-gospodarcze uwarunkowania rozwoju Unii Europejskiej i jej państw członkowskich autor opracowania próbuje rozstrzygnąć kwestię możliwości pełnego wdrożenia interesującej go strategii do roku 2020.

The aim of the article is to analyse the possibility of establishing a regional gas transmission and trade center in Poland, the so-called gas hub. The gas hub is described in many strategic documents adopted by the Polish authorities in recent years. For its creation, several key elements must be met. First of all, a strong, competitive, and diversified (energy sector, heating sector, industry, individual customers) natural gas market should be established in Poland. The natural gas distribution and transmission network should be able to balance supply and demand. Domestic production of natural gas should be supplemented by stable and diversified supplies. The domestic gas markets in the region should be integrated and the connection between the systems (interconnectors) should enable the gas transmission in both directions (import/export). The purpose of this article is to verify the possibility of establishing a regional natural gas transmission and trade center in Poland and to define the potential for cooperation with selected countries of our region. Keywords: natural gas, gas hub, gas infrastructure, regional cooperation Streszczenie: Celem artykułu jest analiza możliwości utworzenia w Polsce regionalnego centrum przesyłu i handlu gazem ziemnym, tak zwanego hubu gazowego. Aby koncepcja, która opisana jest w szeregu strategicznych dokumentów przyjmowanych przez polskie władze w ostatnich latach, mogła zostać zrealizowana, musi wystąpić kilka kluczowych elementów. Przede wszystkim powinien powstać w Polsce silny, konkurencyjny, zróżnicowany (energetyka zawodowa, sektor ciepłownictwa, przemysł, klienci indywidualni) rynek handlu gazem ziemnym. Sieć dystrybucji i przesyłu surowca powinna móc równoważyć popyt z podażą surowca. Krajowe wydobycie gazu ziemnego powinno być uzupełnione przez stabilne i zdywersyfikowane dostawy. Krajowe rynki gazu w regionie powinny być zintegrowane, a połączenia między systemami (interkonektory) powinny umożliwić przesył surowca w obie strony (import/export).