Suchergebnisse

As of 2021, Europe is entering a new period in two respects. One is that the COVID-19 virus effect that has continued since 2020 has be controlled due to the vaccine program, and the world after COVID-19 has become visible. The other is that the rift between the United States and Europe, which emerged during the four-year U.S. Trump administration, is showing signs of healing with the birth of the U.S. Biden administration, and is able to produce a unity that regards China as a common enemy. Otherwise, there are still many unstable factors in the situation surrounding Europe. Regional powers such as Russia and Turkey, which had been the target of democratization support from Europe, have become more authoritarian, and instead, have intervened in Europe in various ways, threatening European values such as democracy and human rights. However, Europe's greatest threat is within not without. The possibility that the right wing will take power in major European countries cannot be ruled out, in which case the existence of the G7 and EU itself will be threatened. It is also a concern that the nature of European populism has changed from the former "politics to gain popularity" to a politics that controls and manipulates citizens.

Part II of this thesis is not available in Munin: Historien fremstilt i bilder. Knut Ljøgodt. Oslo, Pax Forlag, 2011, ISBN 9788253033211. ; Avhandlingen Historiemaleriet i Norge omhandler historiemaleri – eller nærmere bestemt historisk-mytologiske fremstillinger – med vekt på norsk kunst fra 1800-tallet, sett i sammenheng med spesielt skandinavisk og generelt vestlig kunsthistorie. Avhandlingen består av ialt fem tekster. Del 1, Introduksjon, gjør rede for avhandlingens tema, omfang og formål og knytter sammen de forskjellige tekstene. Introduksjonen redegjør for eksisterende forskning, samt for tilnærmingsmåter og mål med avhandlingen. Videre gis en oversikt over forståelsen av historiemaleriet gjennom tidene ,og det gjøres rede for ettertidens behandling av historiemaleriet og dermed genrens status i tidligere kunsthistorieskrivning. Del 2, boken Historien fremstilt i bilder, er den mest omfattende av tekstene og er å betrakte som avhandlingens kjerne. Dette utgjør den første større studien om fenomenet her til lands. Boken gir en oversikt over norsk historiemaleri på 1800-tallet, sett på bakgrunn av skandinaviske og europeiske strømninger. I boken vektlegges det videre å gå nærmere inn på valg av motivkretser, samt å se disse i forskjellige samtidige sammenhenger. I tillegg består avhandlingen tre artikler. Den første av disse er «Knud Baade als Historienmaler». Her får man et eksempel på én norsk kunstner på 1800-tallet som søkte å spesialisere seg som historiemaler. Deretter følger «'… nordiske Marmorguder'». Artikkelen tar for seg utsmykninger og planlagte, men ikke gjennomførte, utsmykninger ved Universitetet i Oslo på 1800-tallet og frem til Munchs aulamalerier. Hovedinteressen i de prosjekterte utsmykningene lå på historisk-mytologiske motiver. Artikkelen gir dermed et innblikk i hvilke muligheter som forelå, men også hvilke hindre som lå i veien for å utviklet et norsk historiemaleri. Den femte og siste av tekstene er «'Northern Gods in Marble'», som handler om 1800-tallets anvendelse av emner fra norrøn mytologi – og gir således muligheten for en mer fokusert studie av én sentral motivgruppe. Historiemaleriet i Norge gir således den første, brede oversikt over norsk historiemaleri på 1800-tallet. Tilnærmingen er empirisk idet avhandlingen for en stor del er basert på grunnforskning. Samtidig benyttes en ikonografisk tilnærmingsmåte for å se nærmere på motivgruppene. Videre benyttes en resepsjonshistorisk tilnærming for å se hvordan genren er blitt mottatt. Generelt søkes det å sette historiemaleriet inn i en større idéhistorisk og politisk-historisk sammenheng. Avhandlingen demonstrerer at historiemaleriet som genre var adskillig mer utbredt i norsk kunst på 1800-tallet enn tidligere antatt, og at en rekke sentrale kunstnere befattet seg med det. Videre demonstreres det at norsk historiemaleri må sees på bakgrunn av datidens politisk-historiske situasjon og at motivene for en stor del velges utfra nasjonale idealer. Som det kommer frem, dominerer motiver fra norrøn historie og mytologi. Avhandlingen stiller også spørsmål ved genrens marginaliserte posisjon i norsk og vestlig kunsthistorie og knytter således an til en revisjonistisk kunsthistorieskrivning.

In 1942, proletarian writer, Takeda Rintarō, was sent from Japan to the Dutch East-Indies (Indonesia) as part of the Sendenbu (propaganda squad), where he led the literature section in the Keimin Bunka Shidōshō (cultural center) in Jakarta. Jawa sarasa documents Takeda Rintaro's activities and cultural experiences in Java, Indonesia, after he returned to Japan in 1944. Most Japanese literature and cultural writings about Nanyō or Nanpō ("South Islands" - South Asia and the Pacific, including Indonesia) from this era reference the concept of Imperialism in Asia. In the pre-war period, stereotypes such as dojin (local primitive) and tōmin (islander) defined South Island people as being lesser than or "other" than the Japanese people. Japanese literary depictions of tropical Eden's and exotic "uncivilized people" reflect similar perceptions and writings by Western authors towards Asia in the 19th century. This paper explores Takeda Rintarō's perspectives of "otherness" in prewar discourses about Indonesia. Through the influence of "The Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere" propaganda concept, the ideology of "sameness" was becoming a hegemonic cultural idea in Takeda's writings about Indonesia. Conversely, however, Takeda's depiction of the double-occupation of Java, with the political rule of Holland and economic domination of daily life by Chinese immigrants, implied criticism of Japan's administrative policies regarding economic exploitation in Java. Takeda's criticisms of Japanese policy are bedded in his emotion for the nature, culture and people of Indonesia.

Traduction japonaise, original anglais disponible en ligne sur HAL-SHS. Remerciements à Matoba Hiroshi pour sa traduction. ; International audience ; This paper responds to two different contexts. The first one was the coming UK referendum and, whatever the result, the challenge for the EU to reinvent itself or dissolve if it continues failing European populations. The second context was a deep questioning in Japan, but also in South Korea, about the future of East Asia and of ASEAN: is a convergence possible beyond economic interactions? How to breach cultural divides? How to overcome the search for hegemony, deep historical hatred, in order to reach and establish a common ground? The paper analyzes the presupposition of the European construction from the beginning: a union can be negotiated and instituted by the construction of a joint or common economic sphere. This construction has always denied or even repressed the fact that the autonomization of the economic sphere is complex historical process different for each nation in Europe or in the rest of the world. So the economic sphere has different relations to politics, society, knowledge production and education, even religion, in each nation. The same can be said of the conception and practice of public opinion, the structure and role of the state, etc. A union based on the presupposition of a common economic sphere becomes unsustainable in time of crisis. No solution can be hoped from the minds of politicians and bureaucrats: they don't act at the level where solutions can be found. "Culture", like "market", does not touch the problems at stake. The only real solution is to produce and share knowledge on the differentiation in each case of politics, civil society, the economy, research and education, even religion in order to map the differences and the family ressemblance between the different national trajectories. This joint knowledge is the only common ground of a coherent and creative union in Europe. It is also true in other parts of the world where ...

Traduction japonaise, original anglais disponible en ligne sur HAL-SHS. Remerciements à Matoba Hiroshi pour sa traduction. ; International audience ; This paper responds to two different contexts. The first one was the coming UK referendum and, whatever the result, the challenge for the EU to reinvent itself or dissolve if it continues failing European populations. The second context was a deep questioning in Japan, but also in South Korea, about the future of East Asia and of ASEAN: is a convergence possible beyond economic interactions? How to breach cultural divides? How to overcome the search for hegemony, deep historical hatred, in order to reach and establish a common ground? The paper analyzes the presupposition of the European construction from the beginning: a union can be negotiated and instituted by the construction of a joint or common economic sphere. This construction has always denied or even repressed the fact that the autonomization of the economic sphere is complex historical process different for each nation in Europe or in the rest of the world. So the economic sphere has different relations to politics, society, knowledge production and education, even religion, in each nation. The same can be said of the conception and practice of public opinion, the structure and role of the state, etc. A union based on the presupposition of a common economic sphere becomes unsustainable in time of crisis. No solution can be hoped from the minds of politicians and bureaucrats: they don't act at the level where solutions can be found. "Culture", like "market", does not touch the problems at stake. The only real solution is to produce and share knowledge on the differentiation in each case of politics, civil society, the economy, research and education, even religion in order to map the differences and the family ressemblance between the different national trajectories. This joint knowledge is the only common ground of a coherent and creative union in Europe. It is also true in other parts of the world where ...

Traduction japonaise, original anglais disponible en ligne sur HAL-SHS. Remerciements à Matoba Hiroshi pour sa traduction. ; International audience ; This paper responds to two different contexts. The first one was the coming UK referendum and, whatever the result, the challenge for the EU to reinvent itself or dissolve if it continues failing European populations. The second context was a deep questioning in Japan, but also in South Korea, about the future of East Asia and of ASEAN: is a convergence possible beyond economic interactions? How to breach cultural divides? How to overcome the search for hegemony, deep historical hatred, in order to reach and establish a common ground? The paper analyzes the presupposition of the European construction from the beginning: a union can be negotiated and instituted by the construction of a joint or common economic sphere. This construction has always denied or even repressed the fact that the autonomization of the economic sphere is complex historical process different for each nation in Europe or in the rest of the world. So the economic sphere has different relations to politics, society, knowledge production and education, even religion, in each nation. The same can be said of the conception and practice of public opinion, the structure and role of the state, etc. A union based on the presupposition of a common economic sphere becomes unsustainable in time of crisis. No solution can be hoped from the minds of politicians and bureaucrats: they don't act at the level where solutions can be found. "Culture", like "market", does not touch the problems at stake. The only real solution is to produce and share knowledge on the differentiation in each case of politics, civil society, the economy, research and education, even religion in order to map the differences and the family ressemblance between the different national trajectories. This joint knowledge is the only common ground of a coherent and creative union in Europe. It is also true in other parts of the world where ...

The conflict environment is changing, and—after almost two decades of continuous COIN, stabilisation and counterterrorism missions—government and public opinion in western and allied countries are unlikely to support continued large-scale or long-duration missions of this type. Yet history demonstrates that such missions are, and are likely to remain, some of the most frequent and geographically widespread. Likewise, ground forces are critical for success in COIN and stabilisation missions, due to the need to interact closely with local government and populations, which implies the need to establish and maintain a physical presence in the area of operations, which in turn implies the need to survive and prevail in a close combat environment, which only ground forces can do. Thus, despite their unpopularity, ground forces can expect (and must be prepared) to continue engaging in these types of operations. However, the same factors that have enhanced the threat in recent decades—in particular, connectivity and the ability to conduct collaborative and remote engagement— also create opportunities for new operating methods for ground forces conducting COIN and stabilisation. These include the ability to deploy only a small element forward on the ground, conducting SFA and FID tasks, while supporting it with a QRF and other enablers that remain offshore in a sea-base or in regionally-deployed FOBs. In such a scenario the main force might be withheld from the theatre of operations and either deploy for a brief initial period only, or not at all. For a force operating in this manner, protected mobility and communications would remain essential, as would the ability to access and deliver precision fire support when required. Deployed forces would probably be modular to a very low level, operating in a mesh of multi-role, semi-autonomous small teams supporting each other and swapping roles as needed. Traditional intelligence, engineering, civil affairs, psychological operations and military governance capabilities would remain essential, but might be called forward as needed. Ultimately, however, while ground forces will almost certainly continue to play a central role in counterinsurgency and stabilisation operations, the way they perform this role, the organisation and equipment with which they do so, and the environment in which they conduct such missions is likely to change, and keep changing, into the foreseeable future.

This study aims at investigating how far the post-truth and echo chamber phenomena penetrate into Indonesian social media via comparative qualitative research methods. The data were taken from the messages related to the political contestation of Jokowi and Prabowo's supporters on Facebook. The results show that Indonesian social media has been penetrated by the post-truth and echo chamber phenomena. In conclusion, when the sample was taken from the group with the highest number of members, it is known that there are many posts with the topics of propaganda, criticism, hate speech, mockery, logical fallacy, and fake information in it.

Bakgrunn: Tillit som en del av sosial kapital er et viktig fundament for et helsefremmende og velfungerende samfunn. Til tross for at det i Norge generelt er høye nivåer av tillit og relativt små sosiale ulikheter i befolkningen, er det tidligere funnet forskjeller mellom ulike sosioøkonomiske grupper i grad av tillit. Det er derfor behov for mer kunnskap om nivået av tillit hos befolkningen, og hvordan tilliten fordeler seg. Formål: Å undersøke både grad av tillit til institusjoner (vertikal tillit) og generell tillit (horisontal tillit) i et utvalg av befolkningen i Østfold. Videre var et mål å undersøke om demografiske og sosioøkonomiske faktorer var assosiert med grad av tillit. Metode: Det ble benyttet data fra tverrsnittstudien "Oss i Øsfold 2019" utført av Østfold fylkeskommune, med et representativt utvalg (n=16 558) av befolkningen i Østfold i alderen 18-79 år. Assosiasjonen mellom de sosiodemografiske variablene kjønn, alder, utdanning og opplevd økonomisk situasjon, og grad av tillit, ble undersøkt ved hjelp av logistiske regresjonsanalyser. Institusjonene som ble undersøkt var helsevesenet, skolevesenet, NAV, kommunestyret, politiet, rettsvesenet og massemedia. Forskjeller mellom gruppene ble oppgitt ved odds ratio (OR). Resultater: For utvalget som helhet var helsevesenet den institusjonen flest hadde høy tillit til (83.0 %), mens færrest hadde høy tillit til massemedia (42.9 %). Det var 65.9 % av utvalget som oppga at de generelt hadde høy tillit til andre mennesker. Funnene viste at det var klare sosiodemografiske forskjeller i grad av tillit. Kvinner hadde høyere tillit til institusjoner og høyere generell tillit enn menn. Den generelle tilliten økte med alderen. Funnene viste også at utdanningsnivå og opplevd økonomisk situasjon var positivt assosiert med grad av både institusjonell- og generell tillit. Konklusjon: Det ble funnet en klar sosial gradient i forekomst av både vertikal og horisontal tillit. Dette er viktig å ta på alvor, da økende grad av mistillit kan føre til en utvikling som undergraver demokratiske verdier, og svekker den generelle viljen i samfunnet til å slutte opp om kollektive velferdsordninger. I Østfold kan det være behov for å ha et bevisst forhold til tillitsbyggende arbeid, for å generere sosial kapital som en viktig ressurs i samfunnet. Det bør fokuseres på strategier som sikrer høy sysselsetting, rettferdig inntektsfordeling og gode velferdsordninger. I tillegg, kan det være behov for målrettede tiltak mot grupper med lav sosioøkonomisk posisjon. ; Background: Trust as a part of social capital is an important foundation for a healthpromoting and well-functioning society. Even though there are generally high levels of trust in Norway and relatively small social inequalities in the population, differences between socio-economic groups in levels of trust have been found in previous research. There is therefore a need for more knowledge about the levels of trust among the population, and how trust is distributed. Aim: To study the levels of trust in public institutions (vertical trust) and general trust (horizontal trust) within a representative sample of the population in Østfold aged 18-79 years. Furthermore, examine whether demographic (gender and age) and socioeconomic (education level and economic situation) factors are associated with levels of trust. Method: Data from the cross-sectional study "Oss i Østfold 2019", conducted by the county municipality Østfold was used, with a representative sample (n=16 558) of the population of Østfold. Logistic regression analyses were used to examine whether the sociodemographic variables gender, age, education and perceived economic self-sufficiency were associated with levels of trust. The institutions examined were the healthcare system, the school system, NAV (Social Security office), the municipal council, the police, the legal system and the media. Differences between the groups were measured using odds ratio (OR). Results: Overall, the majority in the sample had high levels of trust in the healthcare system (83.0 %). Fewest in the analysed sample had high levels of trust in the media (42.9 %). 65.9 % of the sample reported high levels of general trust in other people. The findings showed significant sociodemographic factors in terms of trust. The women in the study had higher institutional and general trust, than the male participants. Horizontal trust increased with the age. Education level and perceived economic self-sufficiency were positively associated with the degree of both institutional trust and general trust. Conclusion: A clear social gradient was found in the incidence of both vertical and horizontal trust. It is important to take this seriously, as an increase of distrust can lead to a development that undermines democratic values and reduces the general will in society to support collective welfare schemes. In Østfold there may be a need for a conscious approach to trustbuilding work, in order to generate social capital as an important resource in society. Strategies that focus on high employment, economic equality and good welfare schemes should be in focus. In addition, these findings may imply that targeted measures to build trust in low socio-economic groups are needed. ; M-FOL

Master's thesis Innovative governance and public management ME523 - University of Agder 2019 ; Developing schoolsexualityeducation policies is a complex matterdue to the controversial and politicized nature of sexuality. This thesisaims at understanding the development of institutional change in the presence of complex policy systems that involvemultiple actors in the policy process. To achieve this aim, itanalyses the actionsof an advocacy coalition that works to change sexuality education policies in Norway.The study adopts the Advocacy CoalitionFramework (ACF)for understanding the interconnections among the macro-level of the political and historicalcontext, the micro-level of the actor's motivationsand the meso-level ofcoalition's goals and strategies. Moreover, it supports the ACF with the Historical Institutionalism (HI) approach toexplain the struggle between the actors' effortsto achieve policy change and the persistence of cultural and political institutions.Through the conduction of interviews and the analysis of relevant policy documents, this study identified aclose interaction and co-dependence among differentelements of the political system. In implementing its strategy, the coalition encountered facilitating and hindering factors that determined the achievement of aslow incremental change. The advocacy coalition started and continuouslyinfluenced the change process through a strategy of knowledge production and sharingthat contributed inchangingattitudes and perception of policy participantson sexuality education.The active agency of the coalition's actors in creating arenas and channels of sharing and coordination facilitated the learning process. Nonetheless, fixed institutions and conflictsof interests hindered the achievement of a major policy change.Therefore, this thesis identifiesthe policy process as a complex interaction among different factors and elements that generate reciprocal influence and jointly determine the process' outcomes. Hence, the study concluded that the institutional setting is essential in determining rules and constraints for the actors.However,the active agency of policy participantscan strategically exploit the historicaland institutional setting for achieving the actors' goals.Keywords: Sexuality education, Norway, advocacy coalitions, institutional change, policy-learning, historical institutionalism

The conflict over Kashmir has been a core issue between India and Pakistan since their independence. It is not only just a territorial conflict but also the core issue of the region, which has been changing along with the regional and international environment. In particular, after the 1990's, the people of Kashmir committed to armed resistance, which has become the focus of the risk to regional and international security because both India and Pakistan are nuclear powers. Resolution of this problem is quite difficult because it would require committing to the ideas of national integration of both countries. Specifically, for India, it is secularism; for Pakistan, it is the two-nation theory. However, the people of Kashmir want to choose their own destiny—integration with neither India nor Pakistan. India promised Kashmir a degree of freedom and democracy under article 370 of the Indian Constitution; however, for the time being, these right have been curtailed. To resolve this issue, two main plans have been presented by both countries; a referendum and the partition of Kashmir along the Line of Control. But, these ideas disregard the right of self-determination or the nationalist sentiment of the people of Kashmir. Recently a new idea emerged based on the notion of shared sovereignty. The history of discord between India and Pakistan has caused critical anxiety for regional peace and stability. However, there will is hope that a constructive solution to this problem can be found in the future through continuity of dialogue and negotiation between the two countries. We as an international society surrounding these nations, we should maintain a supportive stance for continued cordial dialogue.

The United States suffers political and social polarization at its worst since the Civil War. Is Trump the "result" or the "cause" that accelerated this malaise? As a former Washington correspondent who covered the Trump administration last four years, I tried exploring answers for this American self-questioning. Trump-style governance, so-called Trumpism, has been characterized with its unique communication style to inspire anti-elite ressentiment among American public especially for white male middle-class who feel themselves less and less belongings to mainstream in their country. This communication sometimes takes the form of "dog whistle" aiming at Trump's core supporters or at other times takes the form of sense of complicity sharing misinformation intentionally. The anti-elite undercurrent and the partisan confrontation which accelerates political polarization have been fostered in the US even since before the rise of Trump. In this respect the Trumpism can be called the "result". On the other hand, it is also pointed out that Trump would be the "cause" which overturned the hierarchical order of policymakers, bureaucrats, experts and major media institutions playing himself destroying the existing order. In addition, the Covid-19 pandemic played a major role in amplifying its effects. This reminds us of importance of further exploration to find out how infectious disease has caused significant impact on the state of democracy.

Begrepet siida er kjent over hele Sápmi. Så langt tilbake i tid vi kan vite, har siidaer vært der som noe som vi kan forstå som samiske lokalsamfunn. Det som i dag gjenstår av videreførte næringsutøvende og levemåtepraktiserende siidaer, er siidaer som har arbeidet med reinflokker som sitt sammenbindende element. Denne siidatradisjonen har vært levende frem til i dag spesielt i Kautokeino- og Karasjokområdet i Norge, det vil si i det området hvor det foreliggende studiet er gjort. Imidlertid lever den fortsatt i krysspresset mellom representasjonen av tidligere østlige siidaer i litteraturen og den forvaltningsmessige praktisering av reindriftsloven. Bildet av en fasttømret organisering i de østlige siidaer og opphør av de såkalte veidesiidaene har usynliggjort forbindelseslinjene mellom tidligere og dagens siidaer og også ført til oppfattelse av siidasystemet som ikke-eksisterende. Reindriftslovgivningen har på sin side skapt og utviklet et alternativt reinbeitedistriktssystem. Etter at siidaen i prinsippet ble anerkjent ved reindriftsloven av 2007, har problemstillinger og forvaltningspraksis med opphav i reinbeitedistriktssystemet allikevel fått lov til å prege tilnærmingen til siidasystemet. For å kunne rehabilitere siidaer og siidasystemet er det ingen veg utenom å plukke opp og ta utgangspunkt i forbindelseslinjene som ligger i videreføringen av siidaer gjennom tidene. Det går ut på å ta utgangspunkt i siidasystemets egne begreper, forståelsesformer og prioriteringer. I dag dreier det seg først og fremst om å ekstrahere og fremlegge siidaers felles begrepsbruk og tradisjonelle kunnskaper i arbeidet med reinflokker, men også å rette blikket mot tradisjonelle anskuelsesformer som ligger bak praksisene i siidautøvelsen. Blant annet ligger i dette et grunnlag for å synliggjøre settinger og tilpasning i forholdet mellom siidautøvelsen og dens naturgitte omgivelser, og også problemstillinger og sider ved avklaring av forhold mellom siidaer i prosessen mot rehabilitering av siidasystemet. Fastsettelse av ytre rammer for reinbeitedistrikter og siidaer har tematisk sett vært et møtepunkt mellom reineierne og offentlig forvaltning, et møte som så langt ikke har hatt siidaers tradisjonelle kunnskaper og tenkemåter som sitt utgangspunkt og sentrum for oppmerksomhet. Det foreliggende studiet tar for seg eksempler på tradisjonell samisk livsanskuelse og måter å nærme seg siidaer ut fra deres egne begreper og praksiser. Som reingjeteren forholder seg til kantene av flokken så forholder disse tekstene seg til betydningsfulle aspekter av siidaer generelt og ikke til det indre liv i noen spesifikk siida. ; Siidadoaba lea oahpis miehtá Sámi. Siiddat leat leamaš juo nu áigá go mii oba diehtit. Dat siiddat mat leat buolvvas bulvii doalahuvvon otnážii birgejumi ja eallinlági vuođđun, lea dat siiddat main boazoealut dahket siiddastallama. Dát siidavierut lea leamaš eallevaččat gitta otná rádjái, Norgga bealde erenoamážit Guovdageainnus ja Kárášjogas. Dat dattege ain almmolašvuođas cahket duvdahuvvan dilis, girjjálašvuođa dološ nuortalaš siiddaid ja boazodoallolága hálddahuslaš meannudeami gaskkas. Nuortalaš siiddaid čavga organiserema ja bivdosiiddaid bieđganeami govat leat jávkadan ovdalaš ja dálá siiddaid čanastagaid ja dagahan vel dan ipmárdusa ahte siidavuogádat ii leat šat doaimmas. Boazodoallolágaiguin fas lea ásahuvvon ja ovddiduvvon boazoguohtundistriktavuogádat dasa buohta. Maŋŋel go 2007 boazodoallolágain siida vuođđojurdagis dohkkehuvvui leat buorrin ieš sadjásis, leat aŋkke boazoguohtundistriktavuogádaga vuolggahan áššečoavdimušat ja hálddahuslaš doaibmavuogit beassan báidnit vugiid mainna lágiin ipmirdišgoahtit siidavuogádaga. Jus galgat máhttit fastain árvvosmuhttit siidda ja siidavuogádaga, de eat sáhte garvit bargamuša geaži gávdnat dain čanastagain mat leat doalahan siiddaid áiggiid čađa. Das ii leat earágo vuođđun atnit siidavuogádaga iežas doahpagiid, ipmárdusvugiid ja vuoruhemiid. Dálá dilis ovddemussan fertet lavdit ja ovdan bidjat siiddaid oktasaš doabageavaheami ja árbevirolaš máhtu eallogohkkema birra, muhto maiddái geahččalit čalbmat ipmárdusvugiid mat leat dagolaš siiddastallama duohken. Earret eará lea dás vejolaš oidnosii dahkat siiddastallama ja eatnamiid gaskavuođa meriid ja heivehusaid, ja nu maiddái siiddaid gaskavuođa gažaldagaid ja čilgejumi dárbbuid das go galgat bargagoahtit fastain árvvosmuhttit siidavuogádaga. Siiddaid ravdameriid čilgejupmi lea leamaš boazoeaiggádiid ja almmolaš hálddahusa deaivvadeami sáhkafáddán, deaivvadeapmi mas dán rádjái eai leat adnon siiddaid árbevirolaš máhtut ja jurddavuogit sáhkavuođđun. Čállagiin maid dás bijan ovdan, guorahalan ovdamearkkaid das maid sápmelaččat leat árbevirolaččat diđoštan ja vugiid beassat siiddaid lagabuidda alddeset doahpagiid ja doaibmavugiid bokte. Dáid čállagiid lean jurddahan lohkamuššan sihke siiddaid olbmuide ja earáide. Nugo guođoheaddjit bissot ealloravddain, de dáid tevsttaid guorahallamat nai bissot siidaravddaid diđošteapmin, eaige mana guđege siidda sisa. ; The concept of siida is well-known throughout the Sápmi. Far back in time there have been local Sámi communities called siidas. Siidas having reindeer herding as their unifying element are today the only ones representing a continuous practice of traditional siida livelihood and way of life. They represent an ongoing siida tradition up to now, especially the siidas in Guovdageaidnu and Kárášjohka in Norway, i.e. in the region where the present research has been carried out. This tradition, however, still lives under pressure from the representation of the eastern siidas in literature on the one side and the administrative way of practicing the Reindeer Husbandry Act on the other side. The image of a stable organization in the eastern siidas and the end of the hunting siidas has veiled the connecting lines between the past and present siidas and also led to an understanding of the siida system as non-existent. On the other hand, legislation on reindeer husbandry has led to construction and development of an alternate organization, the Reindeer Herding District system. The new Reindeer Husbandry Act now has acknowledged the siida as a basic unit, but issues and governing practices originating from the reindeer herding district system have still been allowed to shape the approach to the siida system. The process towards rehabilitation of siidas and the siida system contains no ways round the method of picking up the connecting lines between past and present siidas and taking them as our starting points. This implies taking the siida system's own concepts, premises of thought and priorities as our starting point. Today it means primarily to extract and present the siidas' shared concepts and traditional herding knowledge, but also to look towards the traditional world view behind the siida practices. This provides, among other things, a basis to elucidate settings and adaptation in the relationship between siida and its natural surroundings, and also issues and ways of settling different matters in the process of rehabilitation of the siida system. Determination of outer limits for reindeer herding districts and siidas has been a thematic meeting point between reindeer herders and government. So far these meetings have not taken the siidas traditional knowledge and ways of thinking as their primary starting point and focus of attention. The present research examines examples of traditional Sámi beliefs and ways to approach siidas based on their own concepts and practices. These texts are meant to be read by both siida members and others. As the reindeer herder primarily relates to the edges of the herd, likewise these texts relate to important aspects of all siidas and not to the inner life of any specific siida.

香港大学では、機関リポジトリである「香港大学スカラーズ・ハブ(研究者網の中核)」推進に向けた強固な手法を構築するために、様々な取組みがおこなわれてきました。香港の主要な研究資金提供機関である、大学補助金委員会(University Grants Committee)からの要請により、香港大学は現在、全ての学部に対して「知識交換(Knowledge Exchange)」への参加を義務付けています。この取組みには、香港大学が知識と技術を生み出し、それらを企業、政府および地域社会と共有するという活動が含まれています。スカラーズ・ハブを香港大学における「知識交換」の牽引役とするために、現在香港大学に属している各研究者のウェブページ「ResearcherPages」が開設されました。このページでは、現在のビブリオメトリクスおよびスコーパスとウェブオブサイエンスからの共同研究者の目録をインポートすることができます。共同研究者、文献引用者、そしてダウンロード数を表した図が、各著者毎に構築されており、データベースのフィールドには、各著者の契約研究分野およびメディア対応分野・言語が表示されます。スカラーズ・ハブでは、一貫性のある形で、香港大学の全ての研究者の指標を閲覧することができます。香港大学の「知識交換」に従事する必要性、同分野の研究者の中で突出したいと願う自然な気持ちが、指標そして読者数を増加させようという、香港大学の著者の強固な意欲を生み出しているのです。この結果として、スカラーズ・ハブへの論文登録数は増加しています。 ; At the University of Hong Kong, several endeavours have converged to create a robust method of populating its institutional repository, "The HKU Scholars Hub". At the request of the main funder of research in Hong Kong, the University Grants Committee, HKU now requires all its faculties to show "Knowledge Exchange (KE)", which includes the act of making HKU generated knowledge and skill sets accessible to business, government and the community. In order for the Hub to become a vehicle of HKU KE, ResearcherPages for each current HKU researcher have been added, which import current bibliometrics and lists of collaborators from Scopus and Web of Science. Maps of collaborators, citers, and downloads are created for each author. Fields are displayed for each author, for contract research, and subjects on which media spokesmanship are available. The Hub shows these metrics in a consistent manner for every HKU researcher across the university. The need to comply with HKU KE, and the natural desire to stand out among one's peers has created strong incentive among HKU authors to increase these metrics, and their readership. The population rate of the Hub has increased accordingly. ; published_or_final_version ; Digital Repository Federation International Conference 2009, Tokyo, 3-4 Dec 2009, p. 90-95

Alexis de Tocqueville's Democracy in America is probably one of the most oftreferred books today in the United States. It is widely seen as the best book ever written on this country, its words endlessly quoted by different political camps which claim the book as their own. This article examines the ways in which the American have read this magnum opus of the Frenchman, especially during the last few decades, on the assumption that their reading is reflecting their perceptions on contemporary American society and its future. The aim of this article is twofold. First, it tries to show that Democracy has long been read in America as an (or, in not a few cases, the) important source to reflect on a remedy for an increasingly "individualistic" and thus "despotic" American society. What the American have commonly found a solution to this problem out of reading the book is the restoration of the tradition of self-government, which is highly hailed by Tocqueville as an admirable feature of American society. Second, this article aims at showing that, although the different political views between conservatives and liberals (one of the most visible political divisions in this society today) are surely affecting the American reading of Democracy, this is only one aspect of the story. Many Americans, whatever their political tendencies are, end up calling for the revival of a self-governed American society as a consequence of studying the book. This common 'conclusion' derived from their reading could be interpreted as a proof that the image that America is the country built on citizens' active participation in public affairs is widely shared among the American themselves. In this considerably diverse society that could fragment at any time potentially, the image has thus been contributing to keeping it in unity, probably to not a small extent.