Historian T. Jakovina spoke with the diplomat and ambassador Cvijeto Job. Job took part in the Second World War on the side of the Partisan movement, when he became a member of the Communist Party. The first diplomatic assignments of Cvijeto Job were in Oslo and London. Already in 1950 he is a member of the Yugoslavian diplomatic mission to the United Nations in New York. From 1962 to 1968 he is an advisor to the press in the Yugoslavian embassy in Washington. Following that he returns to Yugoslavia as chief of the Department for the United States of America and Canada in the Federal Secretariat for foreign affairs, and from 1971 to 1976 he is advisor to the Security Council for the Yugoslavian mission at the UN and the deputy ambassador. From 1980 to 1984 he was named the Yugoslavian ambassador to Cyprus. He was retired in 1989, until which time he had served as chief of the Group for planning politics (GZZP) in the Federal Secretariat for foreign affairs (SSIP). He left Yugoslavia in 1991 to reside in the United States. He was an associate of the United States Institute of Peace, and now he is an associate of the Institute for Policy Studies in Washington.
Autorica u članku analizira položaj Dubrovnika u prvoj fazi protudvorskog pokreta (1384. – 1390.). Razmatra odnos između Dubrovnika, ugarskog vladara i krune Sv. Stjepana u vremenu dinastičkih borbi i velikaških ambicija, a osobito obrađuje problem stupanja Sigismunda Luksemburškog (1387. – 1437.) na ugarski tron. ; The period of rule of the Hungarian-Croatian king Louis Anjou (1342-1382) is considered by the historiography as a golden age of Croatian medieval history. Croatia and Slavonia regained connection with the Dalmatian towns and Dubrovnik for the first time became part of the Hungarian kingdom. The whole kingdom and especially towns on the eastern Adriatic coast went through a period of positive economic growth. After the death of the king Louis Anjou the situation in Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia changed. The question of legitimacy of king's rule appeared and dynastic and other political struggles intensified. In such situation it is interesting to follow the position of Dubrovnik as king's stronghold at the southernmost end of the kingdom. Dubrovnik led a balanced policy. It proclaimed its loyalty to the crown and then to the king with the legitimate right to carry St Stephen's crown. Leading circles in Dubrovnik were well aware of the positive side of king's supreme protection and they used this circumstance to widen town's autonomy, enlarge the territory under its control and achieve economic prosperity. Such relation toward the ruler later became part of the Dubrovnik's political ideology.
Izbori su za politologiju nadasve relevantna tema. Po autorovom mišljenju, tek slobodni demokratski izbori omogućuju politologiju kao znanost. U nedemokratskim porecima politologija nema nikakve perspektive jer jednostavno nema predmeta istraživanja. Definirajući najprije osnovne pojmove izbora, izbornih sustava, birača i biračkog prava autor objašnjava proporcionalni i većinski izborni sustav, njihove prednosti i mane, ilustrirajući ih na evropskim izbornim iskustvima. Na kraju autor upozorava na suvremenu krizu parlamentarizma čije ishodište je tehnokratsko ustrojstvo suvremenog društva. Po autorovom mišljenju, tehnokratsko ustrojstvo suvremenog društva i države nastoji izbjeći demokratskoj kontroli i iako je ona zajamčena ustavom. Autor smatra da izbori u Hrvatskoj potvrđuju tezu o tehnokratizaciji društva i kao da navješćuju mogućnost buduće jasne podjele na elitu i masu kao i mogućnost latentnog ili otvorenog tehnokratskog totalitarizma. ; Elections are an extremely relevant theme to politology. According to the author, only free democrat ic elect ions render politology feasible as a science. In undemocratic orders politology has no perspective because it is deprived of its subject of research. Defining first the following basic concepts - elect ions, elect ion systems, voters and voters' rights, the author describes the election systems based on the principles of proportion and majority rule, their advantages and disadvantages, illustrating them with examples from the European experience in elections. Finally, the author calls attention to the contemporary crisis of parliamentarism whose origins are in the technocratic organization of contemporary society. According to the author, the technocratic organization of contemporary society and state tends to avoid democratic control although it is guaranteed by the constitution. The author believes that the elections in Croatia confirm the thesis of the technocratization of society and seem to announce the possibility of a clear-cut distribution into elites and masses in the future, as well as the possibility of a latent or open technocratic totalitarism.
Autor pokazuje kako se stil Božidarevićeva slikarstva može analizirati kao reprezentativna građa za povijest dubrovačkog društva1500-tih godina, premda se Nikola ustezao od prodornijeg promatranja svog unutarnjeg svijeta i onog vanjskog koji ga je okruživao, dočim se moglo očekivati (obzirom na njegov temperament i budući da je radio po narudžbi kapetana i trgovaca globe-trottera) da mu slike budu proviđene s više detalja onodobne vidljive stvarnosti. ; He signed himself in brush strokes only twice as: Nicolaus Rhagusinus, Nicolo Raguseo- Nikola of Dubrovnik - once in a marble medallion under the arm of Gabriel in the middle of the Annunciation, which he painted in 1513 forthe Đorđić family, the second time at the foot of the Virgin's throne on the main altar retable in the Church of Our Lady of Dance, his last work (1517). This name, until the archival discovery of his Croatian family name, fired the imagination of those researching Dubrovnik Renaissance art and even became a kind of myth. To call himself Rhagusinus in the middle of Dubrovnik undoubtedly meant a self-confident declaration vis a vis his artistic contemporaries- especially Mihajlo Hamzić and Vicko, the son of Lovro Dobričević,and even perhaps in relation to his own father whose workshop he had just left. When we stand today in front of polyptychs of this kind (which, when preserved in full, amaze us by the perfect balance of their general composition) we rarely think that they were created as bricolage. Immediately after Nikola's return from Italy he, and his father Božidar Vlatković received several very large orders. In 1495 they were given a contract for the retable of the main altar of the Franciscan church in Cavtat. The church authorities required that the central composition and figures on the left side should be composed according to the pattern of a polyptych executed almost half a century earlier by Matko Junčić in the church of the Minorite Friars in Dubrovnik, while figures on the right side were to be done according to the pattern of another altar in the same church. The saints in the upper part of the polyptych, shown down to the waist, were to be done after Junčić also, and only the central Pieta according to an earlier painting by Božidarević. The same is true of their style. Experts have very easily "reduced" Božidarević's work into the style and themes found in the Crivelli brothers and Vittore Carpaccio. But Božidarević obviously also knew the fresco paintings of Perugino and Pinturichio in the Vatican palace (Appartamento Borgia)and elsewhere in Rome where his brush may, according to Vladimir Marković, have indeed been involved. The form of a polyptych (like the form of a sonnet) helps in the construction of a figural composition, in a rationally and symmetrically balanced composition. It equalizes lighting, concentrates sight and attention: even when its constructional elements are removed, which make the composition of a polyptych, it continues to make an invisible effect for a long time. By 1500 the form of the polyptych which the "Dubrovnik School of Painting" retained until the end had become a Procrustean bed. It did not allow figures to be shown in a natural context, to be enlivened by being shown with real appurtenances, nor for any relaxation of stiff postures, or any easier breathing. Thus in Božidarević's paintings the representation of real life and the movement of the real world is only found in miniatures, on the borders of polypthychs, in "footnotes" on individual articles or when we study details "microscopically". In fact it is drapery which is the most convincing and arresting and almost tactile element of Božidarević's painting. Just as we perceive the bustle of the harbour on the model of Dubrovnik held by St Blasius so too he was fully aware of the richness of the materials which were produced at this time in Dubrovnik. Cloth was as important as salt for the trade of Dubrovnik and was a very tangible asset in the consciousness of the city. It may be paradoxical but it is accurate to say that Božidarević did not paint portraits (using patterns of characters) but portrayed materials in which his saints were clothed. It is of significance in this context that the most outstanding assistant in his workshop for which in 1507 he rented a whole floor in one of the mansions on Placa, suitable because of its good light - was Marin Kriješić who is recorded in one of the archives as "pictor sive coltrarius", painter of pictures, curtains, covers and cloth. When we consider Božidarević's landscapes we also notice a paradox. The endless journeys of the Dubrovnikians, constantly involving the sea, did not give rise to the desire to extend the picture to include real landscape even in those ordered by ship's captains, merchants, or globe-trotters. But it would have been unrealistic to expect Nikola Božidarević to show the Annunciation in Kolendić's Lopud landscape. Instead he presents the stereotyped picture of the humanists' idea of Arcadia but omitting Bellini's ploughmen and donkeys. This is no bucolic Virgilian landscape as created in the circle surrounding Giorgione - no mundane Utopia in which we might like to live. Behind Gabriel the landscape is wild and rough, behind Our Lady it is cultivated, these are more symbolic, antithetical rather than any true mise-en scene. When we first come to Božidarević's paintings we may be surprised by the fact that in spite of the very real situation within which they developed, there is a lack of any penetrating observation of either inner or outer worlds. Where details appear they largely represent a sanctified aspect of reality: spiritualiasub metaphoris corporalium, as Thomas Aquinus would say. The political, diplomatic, commercial realism of the people of Dubrovnik was, surprisingly enough, very late reflected in an art which served symbolic ends. Considered from this angle the architectural presentation of the city has something in common with butterflies which have great black eyes on their wings in order to make an impression on their surroundings and themselves. Thus in Božidarević and his predecessors we shall find no dark allegory, as measured by today's art critics, but a clear and balanced representation of the Bible message. These polyptychs provide a view of many kinds of fear (of heaven, of the sea, of plague, of Turks of all kinds, of oneself), and also of much hope. The four paintings by Božidarević which have come down to us are typologically different. This only shows us how impoverished we are not to have his entire opus. All four of Božidarević' surviving paintings were private votive offerings. Their subject must therefore be read according to the wishes of the person who ordered them. It is often considered, taking into account their formal superioriy that the Sacra conversazione of the Đođic painting and the Annunciation done for Captain Marko Kolendić are the "measure" of Božidarević's painting. If the former is his first example of a particularly popular Renaissance composition in Croatian art history, the second is his first independent central altar painting. Private orders in Dubrovnik of the time continued to demand the traditional religious, especially votive themes. But in the wider sphere new, more secular, opportunities presented themselves. A study by Vladimir Marković shows this programme to have arisen out of a combination between political intentions and the moral principles of the patrician oligarchy which coincided and were identified with the Renaissance view of Christian and especially with the classical Roman exempla. Božidarević was the contemporary of poets Džore Držić and ŠiškoMenčetić, of Mavro Vetranović. Marin Držić, the most successful writer of Dubrovnik's "Golden Age" was born when Nikola was in prison for the ribald songs. But we cannot but feel that the painter's temper remains hidden behind the porcelain surface and perfect outer symmetry of his compositions. The Dubrovnik context did not provide opportunities for the expression of strong passions. The demands for caution and order were unremitting. There might be considerable personal pride but there must never be bragging. It was not a setting for great philosophy or poetry, nor for tragedy, but for the natural sciences, economics and- along with them- comedies. Unfortunately Dubrovnik painting was fated to disappear almost unnoticed, with no fanfares or real apogee, to be drowned in the import of baroque art from the other side of the Adriatic. When we talk about Dubrovnik, the Renaissance is our first association, but the Renaissance in Croatian painting never managed fully to develop. Indeed Gothic was never fully relinquished but, rather, gradually disintegrated. Its place was taken by the counter Reformation, together with a whole packet of ready-made solutions, before the Renaissance had managed to achieve full definition. We cannot experience Nikola's paintings as Renaissance building blocks cut out from the reality of their own day. We may rather consider them as tables bearing rich fabric. His saints, enveloped in brocade, standing before an azure sky, are sunk in timeless melancholy. They are depicted in an indeterminate context as they appeared to the eye of the painter - without any later addition of colour. They did not attain the position of an academic standard for the Dubrovnik painting of the period that followed. Božidarević went ad patraim paradisi the same time as Mihajlo Hamzić, son of the German immigrant Hans, a "bombardiere" from Cologne, and Vicko Lovrin, son of Dobričević. The sudden and complete change of generations coincided with a fundamental change in the taste of the rich commercial class when it began to turn to the artists of the Bellini and Titian circle. The colours of Božidarević's painting are the most harmonious chords of Dubrovnik's "Golden Age". Of the one hundred and fifty polyptychs registered at the time of Sormano's apostolic visitation in 1573 less than one tenth remain. The Dubrovnik archives record seventeen works by Božidarević but only four have come down to us. In old cities such as Dubrovnik - colour, like everything else except stone, is recessive. What we have today is an idealized impression of what was once reality.
U radu se analizira antička keramika pronađena na lokalitetu dvor knezova Iločkih pri iskopavanjima 2001. godine. Utvrđeno je da se radi o rimskoj keramici koja se datira od druge polovine 1., pa sve do kraja 4. stoljeća. ; When the Romans conquered the area around Ilok in the first century AD, it became part of Lower Illyricum. After Trajan's division of Pannonia into Upper and Lower sections, Ilok, i.e. Cuccium, was part of Lower Pannonia until Diocletian's division. Diocletian divided Lower Pannonia into Pannonia Valeria and Pannonia Secunda. The center of Pannonia Secunda was Sirmium, and Cuccium belonged to this province. Cuccium was an important point in this part of the Limes, because it defended the Empire where the Danube was easy to cross. The site of the fortress itself has still not been discovered, but it is mentioned as Cucci, Catio, Cuccio, Cuccium, Cuccis castelum. On the other side of the Danube there were barbarian tribes: the Sarmatians and the Iazigians. The Romans adapted their military approach in order to be able to conquer them more easily, so they placed their cavalry and infantry along this part of the Limes. Thus in Cuccium the following units were stationed: "Cuneus equitarum promotorum" and "Equitas sagittarii" (ŠARANOVIĆ-SVETEK, 1966/67, 61-65; BATOROVIĆ, 1994, 11, 12; JANKULOV, 1952, 16; VULIĆ, 1939, 73). Traces of the rich history of Ilok were found in the broader territory of the town in the rescue excavations and construction works, and almost always a part of these finds related to Antiquity. Thus a number of pottery fragments, inscriptions, coins, reliefs, sarcophagi, etc. were found. The pottery that was analysed here is connected with the material found in the systematic archaeological excavations conducted by the Institute of Archaeology in 2001 in the castle of Ilok's princes. The excavated artefacts are highly fragmented and modest, which makes a thorough analysis impossible. The excavations were conducted in the courtyard of the castle, which was covered with earth that was brought subsequently from different sites, thus excluding the possibility of stratigraphy in the analysis of the goods. The finds of Roman pottery in the Roman Province of Pannonia are connected with the invasion of the Roman army and the Italics in this area. Trade and contacts with distant regions were made possible by roads and rivers. In the beginning, trade was related only to military camps and other military facilities, as well as the newly settled towns, and only after a while did it include the local population (LENGYEL, RADAN, 1980, 330-332). This might have happened under the rule of the Emperor Augustus during the transition from the Old to the New Age or after the Pannonian-Dalmatian rebellion in the first half of the first century. Such pottery has already been found at several sites in Pannonia (DAUTOVA-RUŠEVLJAN, 1986, 72), so that it is possible that it exists in the territory of Ilok. In the earliest stage, all goods needed by the soldiers and the civilians came to Pannonia from Aquileia or from other parts of northern Italy across Aquileia. There are not many finds from this earliest period, and some of the existing rare finds are fragments of pottery with thin walls, a jug with one handle and a pot in the La Tène tradition that might have served as an urn (Pl. 2, 8, 16, 17). In the second century products of western workshops are present in Pannonia as well, and they are predominant until the crisis in the mid-third century. The representatives of this period are examples of sigillatae from the Rheinzabern workshop (Pl. 1, 1-3), and as local production became increasingly intense, there are also local imitations of sigillatae (Pl. 1, 4, 5). Products from other neighbouring provinces were not imported in significant quantities. Most of the finds can be dated to the third and the fourth centuries. There are many fragments of glazed pottery in dark green and brown, jugs (Pl. 2, 9), bowls (Pl. 1, 6, 7), and a mortaria (Pl. 2, 12-15), which is frequent in this period in Pannonia, when glazed pottery was massively produced even in Pannonia itself; apart from that, there is also pots (Pl. 3, 24-31) and lids (Pl. 3, 18-23). After the death of Emperor Valentinian in 375 there was stagnation in development, reconstruction, trade and production. By the time of the invasions by barbarian tribes, i.e. the Goths and the Alans, the developed Roman civilization in this area in the first half of the fifth century went through changes in the composition of its population as well as in lifestyle. According to the treaty of 405, a part of Pannonia came under Alaric's rule, which brought Roman life in this part of Pannonia to an end (PINTEROVIĆ, 1970, 82). Without specific research it is not possible to determine when and where exactly the fortress was erected, how life surrounding it developed, and how it stopped functioning. From the time immediately after this there are only a few finds, the most significant being that of a pair of silver Ostrogoth fibulae from the fifth century. Pottery was found in this excavation, and it can be approximately dated from the middle of the first to the end of the fourth century. It should be noted that the earliest pottery is the smallest in number, and the pottery from the third and fourth centuries the largest. We encounter pottery of a different origin, from local workshops, as well as Roman pottery under the strong influence of local manufacturers, i.e. pottery in visible Celtic tradition, imitations of Roman pottery and imported Roman pottery produced in different workshops. Such material is present also in the remaining part of Lower Pannonia; therefore it was to be expected that it would be found in Ilok as well. The material is unfortunately rather modest and fragmented, so one cannot gain a clear picture of everyday life or of the entire extent of trade connections and the relationship between the citizens of Cuccium with the rest of the Roman Empire. It is clear that in the beginning there were connections with Italy, the influence of the La Tčne heritage is felt. Later they were connected with the Rhineland (the areas of Pannonia and Noricum were the main export destinations of the Rheinzabern workshop (VIKIĆ-BELANČIĆ, 1962/63, 95; FREMERSDORF, 1937, 167-172)) and products of local provincial workshops were used. In order to reach better and more complete conclusions, further research is necessary, because due to modest materials at present this is impossible, and the fragments can only build a framework which can help in further analysis. Cuccium was probably not as big and as developed as Cornacum or Cibalae, but owing to its position it was of extraordinary significance and it represents one of the vitally important points on the Danube limes. This is what necessitates additional research.
Na sjevernim gradskim bedemima Salone započet je novi projekt obnove jedinstvenog spomenika fortifikacijske arhitekture. Izvorno podignut za vrijeme cara Marka Aurelija 170. g., tijekom posljednjih stoljeća antike, stalno se popravlja i dograđuje novim zidnim pojačanjima, mnogobrojnim istaknutim kulama i trokutastim bastionima. Ponovno otkriven perimetralni plašt, na pojedinim mjestima sačuvan u punoj veličini sto jasno pokazuje znatnu moć antičkog graditeljstva, pridonijeti ce osvjetljivanju urbanističkog razvoja glavnoga grada rimske provincije Dalmacije. ; The ruins of Salona, capital of the Roman Province of Dalmatia, have long drawn the attention of many scientists, whose first efforts were concerned with establishing the original size and appearance of the city. D. Farlati, C. Lanza and V. Andrić drew ground plans of the remains which were visible at the time. However, F. Carrara started the first systematic topographic research in 1846, and his ground plan is still used today as a basis for insights into the history of ancient Salona. The city's irregular shape was enclosed by walls with a total length of 4,077 metres, fortified with towers of which 88 have been rediscovered. During his research, F. Carrara discovered several city gates which had been previously unknown (Porta Andetria, Porta Caesarea, Porta Suburbia, Porta Capraria and the Western Gate). He made more detailed excavations in the north-eastern part of the city, where the remains of walls and towers, up to 33 feet high, were best preserved. He noticed various fortification elements - several layers of walls and towers, some with adjoining triangular bastions. He considered the first phase of the fortification to have been completed as early as the 2nd century BC, and several inscriptions showed that parts of the walls were built during the reign of Emperor Marcus Aurelius. Carrara observed that the walls had been considerably reinforced by the addition of towers during Diocletian's time. He believed that the triangular bastions were the final element of Salona's fortification. The inscription (CJL JII 1984) suggests that these were probably added when all the towers were renovated, during the rule of Theodosius II. E. Dyggve also researched the walls of Salona and came to more or less the same conclusions. Dyggve was most interested in the urban development of Salona; he established the location of the oldest, central part of the city and described the eastward and westward spread of urban development. Some authors, including W. Gerber and H. Kahler, have investigated the oldest city gate, the Porta Caesarea, and made suggestions for its reconstruction. H. Kahler also examined the visible parts of the walls which had been excavated at that time near the Porta Caesarea and in the north-east part of city, and tried to establish a relative chronology. D. Rendić Miočević paid particular attention to the oldest part of Salona and discovered a square corner tower at the junction of the northern and eastern walls. The Split Conservation Department of the Ministry of Culture commenced protective conservation work on the northern ramparts in 1997. After a considerable time a neglected stretch of wall, reinforced by numerous towers, was exposed to view north of Porta Andetria up to the corner where it turns towards Porta Caesarea. Don F. Bulić had constructed a walkway on the inside of the walls from this point, connecting the north-east and north-west corners of the city. The walls were at that time mostly half-concealed with earth, but some segments, preserved up to their original height, were left visible. Two significant segments of the excavated ruins of the northern walls are particularly impressive: one is the complex at Bilankuša with towers nos. 78-81 which have already been investigated; the other is part of the outer shell and its associated towers, nos. 53-60, which remain at almost their original height. Preventative conservation work has been done on the weakened and uncovered walls, after completion of survey, of photogrammetric, architectural and geophysical records and research. Many fragments of inscriptions and architectural decorations were discovered during this work, mainly material from tombstones which had been re-incorporated into later structures. They came probably from the ancient necropolis which stretched along the ancient street from Porta Caesarea to the north-east, an area which was later incorporated in the secondary ring of walls (the Urbs orientalis). Further inscriptions discovered on the walls between towers 74 and 75 showed that Emperor Marcus Aurelius (CIL III 8570, 6374) was responsible for their construction. About ten late-antique amphorae, mostly spatheia dating from the 5th to the 7th centuries, were discovered in the in-fill immediately behind this original segment of the wall, which has been accurately dated from the inscriptions. The fact that they were found in the in-fill between two walls indicates that major repair work had been undertaken on the fortifications. Similar secondary use of amphorae in the Salona fortification system had been found earlier near tower no. 60. These were of types Dressel 32 and 34, dated between the 4th and the 5th centuries, but remained in use until much later. The complex defence system of the ancient Salona consisted of a series of elements which today provide better insight into the inception and development of the city. It has not been established precisely when the walls of Salona were first built, nor when the Italics and the Romans settled permanently and created their own town on the territory of the indigenous Dalmatic settlement and the of Issaian emporium. Research to date clearly indicates that old lines of communication were respected and that the town followed the contours of the terrain at its inception, as is clear from the irregular shape of the perimeter walls which were built in accordance with contemporary building practise, and the skill of military architects. A new city gate, Porta Caesarea, flanked by octagonal towers, was made in the existing walls at the beginning of the Empire. An aqueduct constructed above the city gate and associated cisterns provided exceptional fire protection of the most vulnerable segment of the fortifications. The threat of barbarian attack led to the construction of a new ring of walls during Marcus Aurelius' reign by the locally stationed military units coh I Del and coh II Del, and by vexilationes leg II Piae et III Concordiae who were urgently summoned from the Province of Pannonia. Inscriptions on the wall show clearly that some sections were built under supervision of the military commanders of these units and that there was simultaneous work on several sections (CIL III 1979, 1980, 8570, 6374). Relatively few towers were built when the walls were first constructed. More were created when new dangers became apparent, especially on the northern ramparts which were naturally most exposed to the enemy. The date of their construction is an open question: it is likely that most were built before the beginning of the 5th century, because there is evidence that they were renovated around that time (CIL III 1984). Further research is needed to establish whether the triangular bastions were added during the renovation, or whether they were built during military operations associated with the Gothic-Byzantine wars. Walls were occasionally strengthened where the defences were weak or for better communication between the protruding towers. The laws of the period (Cod. Theod, XI, 17, 4; XV, l, 49) assigned continuing responsibility for renovation and upkeep of the walls to the community as a whole. During the rule of Theodosius II at the beginning of the 5th century, for example, all the towers, and perhaps all the walls which had been destroyed, were renovated. Constantianos executed emergency repairs to the weakened wails during the Gothic-Byzantine wars, and an outer trench was constructed (Procop. , Bell. Goth. V, 7, 9; 7, 26-31; 16). During the last centuries of the ancient world, the complex defence system around the capital of the Province consisted of walls, doubly reinforced in several places by additional walls, towers and bastions, and by embankments and trenches to form a unique example of fortification architecture. Some segments of the walls of Salona are preserved at their original height of almost ten metres, which show the power and might of ancient architecture, as in other sparsely preserved perimeters of ancient cities such as the walls of Theodosius in Constantinople and of Aurelian in Rome.