Suchergebnisse

The system of protection of historical monuments in Poland, including Monuments of History, is not fully adapted to the political changes after 1989. An underestimated, important element of this system determining effective protection is professional architectural heritage management combining conservation with contemporary use of historical buildings. Interdependencies between conservation and non-conservation conditions force us to perceive the protection of monuments as a complex and interdisciplinary process – mutually correlated interactions on the historic object, in which conservation measures are the key, but not the only, activity. The organizational entirety of these activities is management. Monuments of History as the most valuable heritage should be a model of management of the national, historical resources. Fifteen years of experience of the Srebrna Góra (Silver Mountain) Fortress monument allow us to bring closer the objectives and complex conditions of related management activities as well as applications addressed to national authorities responsible for the protection of cultural heritage. ; System ochrony zabytków w Polsce, w tym pomników historii nie jest w pełni dostosowany do zmian ustrojowych po 1989 roku. Niedocenianym, istotnym elementem tego systemu determinującym skuteczną ochronę jest profesjonalne zarządzanie architektonicznym dziedzictwem łączące konserwację ze współczesnym użytkowaniem historycznych obiektów. Współzależności konserwatorskich i pozakonserwatorskich uwarunkowań wymuszają dziś postrzeganie ochrony zabytków jako złożonego i interdyscyplinarnego procesu – skorelowanych ze sobą oddziaływań na zabytkowy obiekt, w którym zabiegi konserwatorskie są kluczową, ale nie jedyną działalnością. Całością organizacyjną tych działań jest zarządzanie. Pomniki historii jako najcenniejsze dziedzictwo powinny być wzorem zarządzania dla krajowego, zabytkowego zasobu. Piętnastoletnie doświadczenia pomnika Twierdza Srebrna Góra pozwalają przybliżyć cele i złożone uwarunkowania powiązanych ze sobą działań zarządczych oraz wnioski adresowane do władz krajowych odpowiedzialnych za ochronę kulturowego dziedzictwa.

Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie działalności Polskiego Towarzystwa Nauk Politycznych z zaznaczeniem ukierunkowania na sprawy internacjonalizacji. Od początku swojej działalności PTNP współpracowało z IPSA. W Polsce powstało wiele cennych publikacji przestawiających historię i stan obecny politologii w Polsce. Szczególnie ważnym dla polskiej politologii wydarzeniem była organizacja światowego kongresu politologii w lipcu 2016 r. Ważne miejsce zajmują także polskie czasopisma naukowe, które w ostatnich latach podlegają silnej internacjonalizacji. Przed PTNP stoi wiele wyzwań i możliwości podejmowania kolejnych działań, które sprzyjają dalszemu rozwojowi i promocji nauki w kraju i zagranicą. ; The aim of the article is to present the activities of the Polish Political Science Association, underlining the issues of internationalization. Since the beginning the organization, PPSA has been cooperating with IPSA. Many valuable publications regarding history and contemporary situation of Political Science have been published in Poland. Particularly important for Polish political science was the organization of the World Congress of Political Science in July 2016. The Polish scientific journals, that have been strongly internalized in recent years, take an important place nowadays. Polish Political Science Association has to face many challenges and take new possibilities in further activities that encourage further development and promotion. ; Publikacja sfinansowana przez Wydział Studiów Międzynarodowych i Politologicznych UŁ.

Contacts between academic societies in the lands of partitioned Poland – status of and need for research (Summary)The article describes contacts between academic societies operating in the lands of partitioned Poland. Its purpose is to present the current status of research on this very wide topic and to indicate the need for research that arises in this respect. A comprehensive view of these contacts shows that the topic has not been acknowledged to-date. Therefore, it has not been properly reflected in the professional literature. Where the topic has been recognized by authors, it has often not been properly interpreted. The most frequent mistake that has been made by researchers is perceiving the issue from an exclusively ethnic angle, which – particularly in respect of the lands of partitioned Poland – is related to the conflicts arising in such conditions. Seen against the background of the contacts between the various academic institutions operating in the three partitions, it is clearly visible how complicated the matter was and how different factors played a role in forming and discontinuing relationships. ; Contacts between academic societies in the lands of partitioned Poland – status of and need for research (Summary)The article describes contacts between academic societies operating in the lands of partitioned Poland. Its purpose is to present the current status of research on this very wide topic and to indicate the need for research that arises in this respect. A comprehensive view of these contacts shows that the topic has not been acknowledged to-date. Therefore, it has not been properly reflected in the professional literature. Where the topic has been recognized by authors, it has often not been properly interpreted. The most frequent mistake that has been made by researchers is perceiving the issue from an exclusively ethnic angle, which – particularly in respect of the lands of partitioned Poland – is related to the conflicts arising in such conditions. Seen against the background of the contacts between the various academic institutions operating in the three partitions, it is clearly visible how complicated the matter was and how different factors played a role in forming and discontinuing relationships.

Contacts between academic societies in the lands of partitioned Poland – status of and need for research (Summary)The article describes contacts between academic societies operating in the lands of partitioned Poland. Its purpose is to present the current status of research on this very wide topic and to indicate the need for research that arises in this respect. A comprehensive view of these contacts shows that the topic has not been acknowledged to-date. Therefore, it has not been properly reflected in the professional literature. Where the topic has been recognized by authors, it has often not been properly interpreted. The most frequent mistake that has been made by researchers is perceiving the issue from an exclusively ethnic angle, which – particularly in respect of the lands of partitioned Poland – is related to the conflicts arising in such conditions. Seen against the background of the contacts between the various academic institutions operating in the three partitions, it is clearly visible how complicated the matter was and how different factors played a role in forming and discontinuing relationships. ; Contacts between academic societies in the lands of partitioned Poland – status of and need for research (Summary)The article describes contacts between academic societies operating in the lands of partitioned Poland. Its purpose is to present the current status of research on this very wide topic and to indicate the need for research that arises in this respect. A comprehensive view of these contacts shows that the topic has not been acknowledged to-date. Therefore, it has not been properly reflected in the professional literature. Where the topic has been recognized by authors, it has often not been properly interpreted. The most frequent mistake that has been made by researchers is perceiving the issue from an exclusively ethnic angle, which – particularly in respect of the lands of partitioned Poland – is related to the conflicts arising in such conditions. Seen against the background of the contacts between the various academic institutions operating in the three partitions, it is clearly visible how complicated the matter was and how different factors played a role in forming and discontinuing relationships.

The article discusses the nature and role of constituent power in contemporary constitutional democracies. It presents the genesis of the concept of constituent power (phrased by Joseph Emmanuel Sieyès within the distinction between «pouvoir constituant» and «pouvoir constitué»), different approaches to this concept framed in the XXth century legal science by such thinkers as H. Kelsen and C. Schmitt, and finally the contemporary interpretations of this concept. The author indicates and analyses two major issues relevant to the nature and role of constituent power in the contemporary constitutional democracy. Firstly, he examines the thesis that the democratic constituent power's activity remains normatively undetermined. The search for internal normativity that might characterise constituent power in democracy determines such practical constitutional issues as discretion of the legislator within the process of making or amending the constitution. Secondly, the author points out that analysis of the role of pouvoir constituant» in contemporary constitutionalism should not be limited to analysis of the "constitutional moment" only; the significance of constituent power should not be seen just in the framework of the one-off act of making the constitution. Constituent power should remain an active participant of constitutional discourse which induces a search for new principles ensuring balance between constituent and constituted power in constitutional democracies.

The history of the Polish parliamentarianism has aroused numerous disputes since long due to many factors, causing difficulties in determining the beginnings of existence of this institution in the former Poland. The basic problem emerged in the distinction of the term "Sejm" ("Polish Parliament") from the earlier rallies, court veches, local conventions or those covering larger areas of the country, or even all-state conventions, summoned by the particular regional dukes and after the unification of the state by monarchs. The disputes were related to the critical look at the role of Parliament in the history of the state: some glorified it, others expressed their critical view, determined by the historical school which the particular author belonged to. During those disputes, the final form was gained by the Polish Parliament as a bicameral parliament with the king, as one of the states, with the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies in the years 1493–1505. ; The history of the Polish parliamentarianism has aroused numerous disputes since long due to many factors, causing difficulties in determining the beginnings of existence of this institution in the former Poland. The basic problem emerged in the distinction of the term "Sejm" ("Polish Parliament") from the earlier rallies, court veches, local conventions or those covering larger areas of the country, or even all-state conventions, summoned by the particular regional dukes and after the unification of the state by monarchs. The disputes were related to the critical look at the role of Parliament in the history of the state: some glorified it, others expressed their critical view, determined by the historical school which the particular author belonged to. During those disputes, the final form was gained by the Polish Parliament as a bicameral parliament with the king, as one of the states, with the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies in the years 1493–1505.

The separation of theory and practice of the European integration created a very dangerous situation for the European Union. The article presents this crisis from the points of view of philosophy, political science and journalism. The"European poison of thought" expressed by a lack of trust of citizens towards the EU institutions perceived as inadequate in addressing the most fundamental problems of the EU citizens, as well as scepticism towards the enlargement of the Union, aversion to financial solidarity with weaker Member States, and disappointment with legal overregulation and money wasting, are just a few out of a long list of problems that make people lose their trust in the European integration. The author also considers the greatest weaknesses of the European Union: preferring interests of those who are present and well-organised on the political arena and the fact that the real majority of EU citizens stays outside the formal democratic structures thus becoming a part of the process of exclusion and fragmentation. The state of affairs in the EU, following according to Karl Jaspers, is called a limit situation, where it possible either to withdraw or rise and exceed restrictions. The author considers hope and radicalism as two forces that power the European political activists; in order to unite them, a new faith, values and hope based on the traditional foundations are needed. This new way of thinking about the EU, the joined-up thinking, is possibly a response to the demand for a radical revival in the EU.

The separation of theory and practice of the European integration created a very dangerous situation for the European Union. The article presents this crisis from the points of view of philosophy, political science and journalism. The"European poison of thought" expressed by a lack of trust of citizens towards the EU institutions perceived as inadequate in addressing the most fundamental problems of the EU citizens, as well as scepticism towards the enlargement of the Union, aversion to financial solidarity with weaker Member States, and disappointment with legal overregulation and money wasting, are just a few out of a long list of problems that make people lose their trust in the European integration. The author also considers the greatest weaknesses of the European Union: preferring interests of those who are present and well-organised on the political arena and the fact that the real majority of EU citizens stays outside the formal democratic structures thus becoming a part of the process of exclusion and fragmentation. The state of affairs in the EU, following according to Karl Jaspers, is called a limit situation, where it possible either to withdraw or rise and exceed restrictions. The author considers hope and radicalism as two forces that power the European political activists; in order to unite them, a new faith, values and hope based on the traditional foundations are needed. This new way of thinking about the EU, the joined-up thinking, is possibly a response to the demand for a radical revival in the EU.

The Monuments of History is a collection of over 100 most valuable monuments in Poland. At the same time, the Monuments of History are one of the 5 forms of protection of monuments, specified in Polish legislation. These circumstances make it necessary to assess the functioning of this form of the monuments protection. Many elements in the concept of the Monuments of History, the procedure of their nomination and the substantive assessment are taken over from the UNESCO World Heritage System. Therefore, this system may be a point of reference for the evaluation of the functioning of the Monuments of History. At the same time, on the basis of this comparison, it is possible to indicate directions for improving the functioning of the Monuments of History. The paper discusses fundamental aspects of the functioning of the Monuments of History – including the place and role of the Monuments of History in the Polish system of the monuments protection, the procedure of nomination, the procedure of evaluation, the relationship of the Monuments of History with the assets of the UNESCO World Heritage. ; Pomniki Historii to zbiór ponad 100 najcenniejszych zabytków w Polsce. Jednocześnie Pomniki Historii to jedna z 5 form ochrony zabytków, określonych w polskim prawodawstwie. Te okoliczności sprawiają, że konieczna jest ocena funkcjonowania tej formy ochrony zabytków. Wiele elementów w koncepcji Pomników Historii, procedurze ich nominowania, oraz merytorycznej ocenie jest przejętych z systemu Światowego Dziedzictwa UNESCO. Dlatego też ten system możne być punktem odniesienia do oceny funkcjonowania Pomników Historii. Jednocześnie w oparciu o to porównanie można wskazać kierunki doskonalenia funkcjonowania Pomników Historii. W artykule omówiono zasadnicze aspekty funkcjonowania Pomników Historii – m.in. miejsce i rolę Pomników Historii w polskim systemie ochrony zabytków, procedury nominowania, procedurę oceny, relację Pomników Historii z dobrami Światowego Dziedzictwa UNESCO.

The article discusses the nature and role of constituent power in contemporary constitutional democracies. It presents the genesis of the concept of constituent power (phrased by Joseph Emmanuel Sieyès within the distinction between «pouvoir constituant» and «pouvoir constitué»), different approaches to this concept framed in the XXth century legal science by such thinkers as H. Kelsen and C. Schmitt, and finally the contemporary interpretations of this concept. The author indicates and analyses two major issues relevant to the nature and role of constituent power in the contemporary constitutional democracy. Firstly, he examines the thesis that the democratic constituent power's activity remains normatively undetermined. The search for internal normativity that might characterise constituent power in democracy determines such practical constitutional issues as discretion of the legislator within the process of making or amending the constitution. Secondly, the author points out that analysis of the role of pouvoir constituant» in contemporary constitutionalism should not be limited to analysis of the "constitutional moment" only; the significance of constituent power should not be seen just in the framework of the one-off act of making the constitution. Constituent power should remain an active participant of constitutional discourse which induces a search for new principles ensuring balance between constituent and constituted power in constitutional democracies.

This article is an attempt to address a question of significance of the borderland as a research category in the Polish political science. The authors use information collected in the survey conducted among 223 polish political scientists, who were asked about the importance and explanatory potential of the borderland concept in the political analysis. Since the response rate was low it is impossible to make any generalizations concerning the whole academia of the Polish political science, thus the text is merely a synthesis of the opinions of those who have responded. According to this data, the category of borderland is an important and useful tool in the political analysis, due to its close connection with the changes of the contemporary world like globalization, deteritorialization and regionalization. The borderland category is especially significant in the reflection on the changing status of nation-states and functions of state borders. The article also outlines the basic research themes within which the concept of borderland is employed by the political scientists. The authors conclude with a few methodological and theoretical postulates on applying the category of borderland in political science. ; Artykuł jest próbą odpowiedzi na pytanie o rolę kategorii pogranicza w polskiej politologii. Opiera się na informacjach uzyskanych w ankiecie skierowanej do 223 polskich politologów, w której zapytano ich o wagę oraz eksplanacyjny potencjał kategorii pogranicza w analizie politologicznej. Niski poziom responsywności uniemożliwia dokonanie generalizacji na całe środowisko politologiczne, dlatego tekst niniejszy jest jedynie syntezą opinii politologów, którzy odpowiedzieli na naszą ankietę. Kategoria pogranicza przedstawiona jest jako ważna i przydatna w analizie politologicznej, przede wszystkim ze względu na jej integralny związek ze współcześnie zachodzącymi zmianami, takimi jak globalizacja, deterytorializacja i regionalizacja. Pogranicze jest szczególnie istotną kategorią w politologicznej refleksji nad zmianą statusu państw narodowych oraz zmieniającą się funkcją granic państwowych. W tekście wyodrębniono również podstawowe konteksty badawcze, w jakich politolodzy wykorzystują pojęcie pogranicza. W końcowej części artykułu autorzy formułują postulaty teoretyczno-metodologiczne dotyczące stosowania kategorii pogranicza w analizie politologicznej.

Jednym z fundamentalnych przedmiotów badań nauki o polityce pozostaje niezmiennie język polityki (w swoich licznych odmianach i formach). Analiza naukowa tego przedmiotu badań przysparza jednak politologii nadal szereg problemów, wynikających z nieprzystawalności metod językoznawstwa do funkcji i zadań współczesnej nauki o polityce. Pojawia się więc potrzeba wypracowania politologicznej metody analizy tekstu, która to metoda pozwoliłaby – za pomocą języka – odkryć i wyeksponować założenia kształtujące orientacje i postawy podmiotów politycznych, czyli treści tworzące ogólną przestrzeń polityczną. Propozycją odpowiedzi na to zapotrzebowanie jest prezentowana w artykule metoda, wyróżniająca trzy podstawowe poziomy analizy: konwencjonalną warstwę tekstu, opisową oraz presupozycjalną. Na przykładzie analizy inauguracyjnych orędzi polskich prezydentów, ukazano specyfikę poszczególnych wymiarów: determinant sytuacyjny (na pierwszym poziomie), kreację treści korzystnych wizerunkowo (na poziomie deskryptywnym), wreszcie – najistotniejszy dla politologa – mechanizm odkrywania założeń ukrytych na poziomie presupozycjalnym. ; The language of politics (in its numerous variations and forms) continues to be one of the fundamental objects of political science research. The academic analysis of this object of research, however, continues to generate considerable difficulties for political science as a result of the incompatibility of language studies methodology with the function and tasks of modern political science. Therefore, there emerges a need to develop a method of text analysis for political science that will allow us to use language to discover and present the assumptions that shape the attitudes and ideologies of political entities, or in other words – the content of general political environment. This paper responds to this need by presenting a method that distinguishes three basic levels of analysis: a conventional layer of text, a descriptive one and a presuppositional one. Analyzing the inaugural addresses given by Polish presidents the specificity of their individual dimensions is presented: the situational determinant (level one), the creation of content to boost image (on a descriptive level), and – most importantly to the political scientist – a mechanism revealing the assumptions concealed at the presuppositional level.

Mimo ścisłych związków między technologią i stosunkami międzynarodowymi istnieje niewiele prac w nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych, które podejmują próbę teoretycznego połączenia obu tych sfer rzeczywistości społecznej. Podstawowym celem artykułu jest historyzacja technologii militarnej w społecznej historii stosunków międzynarodowych. Autor przedstawia proces historycznego wzrostu znaczenia technologii militarnej w funkcjonowaniu społeczeństw i jej destruktywny wpływ na życie społeczne. Przekonuje, że nowe technologie rozwinaje są przez istoty ludzkie, a nie "odkrywane". Dokonane wynalazki odzwierciedlają określone interesy, posiadanie adekwatnych zasobów do ich dokonania i istnienie określonego instytucjonalnego wsparcia. W takim rozumieniu nauka, technologia i innowacje są funkcją ludzkich wyborów, interesów, idei, instytucji i zasobów. ; Despite close connections between technology and international relations, there are few works in international relations studies that would make an attempt to theoretically connect both of these two spheres of social reality.The main aim of the article is a historization of military technology in a social history of international relations. The author presents the process of historical growth of importance of military technology in functioning of societies and its destructive influence on social life. He convinces one that new technologies are developed, not "discovered" by human beings. Inventions reflect specific interests, owning proper resources to develop them and the existence of determined institutional support. In this understanding, science, technology and innovations are functions of human choices, interests, ideas, institutions and resources.In the first part of the article, the author presents relations between science, technology and innovations, as well as main attitudes in international relations studies in the context of comprehending these relations. Problems caused by technological development are also discussed. In the second part of the article, the author presents the meaning of military technology in international relations through its historization. By showing different contexts of "war machines" (horse, chariot, cavalry, cannons, conventional and nuclear weapon, information technology),one can observe the influence of military technology on international relations in the process of uneven and related development of different societies in different times from antiquity to the present day. In particular, the results of transformation of relations between armed forces and scientific institutions after World War II into permanent structures of society and government are shown. On the example of United States of America, the author points negative consequences of forming bureaucratic national security services for many aspects of social life. Finally, referring to James Der Derian's analysis, the author presents transformative influence of information technology on international relations.

The purpose of this article is to capture one of the key features of the political thought that developed in the United States of America. Assuming that the USA's political culture is indeed exceptional, the author attempts to find the common denominator that would reflect the singularity of the American political mind. The author states that such a feature is the radical anti-historicality of the American mode of thinking about politics. It is a phenomenon that is deeply-rooted in the political and spiritual past of the United States and seems to be crucial because it never developed to such an extent in other traditions. Furthermore, even today to a large extent it defines both the American left and right. It is also very much present in academic discussion as well as in ordinary political activities. By anti-historicality the author means the rejection of the thesis that politics within a given society depends on that society's past experience. The phenomenon defies simple normative assessments. On the one hand, it protects American politics from the perils of radical historicism; on the other hand, it hinders the USA's contacts with other political bodies. However, the author concludes that understanding American anti-historicality is crucial when entering into any relations with the USA.

The aim of the publication is to present selected forecasting problems in social sciences. The article focused on the method of decision-making/simulation games that, especially with the development of game theory and computers, have increasingly been used in many fields. Using examples of decision/simulation games - Poznań International Model United Nations 2013/POZiMUN; S.E.N.S.E - and the online game EVE Online, the author recognised the importance of such exercises in an accurate prediction of the future. He drew special attention to the element of chance and confounding factors that may destabilise the process of prediction. He also raised the problem of decision-making in the context of classical and quantum logic. ; Treścią publikacji jest przedstawienie wybranych problemów prognozowania w naukach społecznych. W artykule skoncentrowano się na metodzie gier decyzyjnych/symulacyjnych, które – zwłaszcza wraz z rozwojem teorii gier oraz komputerów – są coraz częściej wykorzystywane w wielu dziedzinach. Na wybranych przykładach gier decyzyjnych/symulacyjnych – Poznań International Model United Nations 2013/POZiMUN; S.E.N.S.E. a także gry sieciowej EVE Online – wskazano jak ważne są takie ćwiczenia, by móc precyzyjniej przewidywać przyszłość. Zwrócono także szczególną uwagę na kwestię przypadku oraz czynników zakłócających, które mogą destabilizować proces przewidywania. Poruszono ponadto problem podejmowania decyzji w aspekcie klasycznej oraz kwantowej logiki.