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Recent years have witnessed the rise of far right-wing leaders in various parts of the world. Stanley (2019) recognizes the particularities of the different nations where this phenomenon is observed but advocates for generalizing it. The author, therefore, uses the label "fascism" to refer to some variety of ultranationalism. When analyzing the current Brazilian situation, Souza (2019) also refers to fascism, exploring its irrational origins and particularities in Brazil, noticing the emergence of a neo-fascism. Against this backdrop, there are cases of people leaving their countries due to the increasing violence experienced. This study explores this particular situation, presenting the history of Tiburi's exile, a philosopher, writer, university professor, and Brazilian politician. Concerning the theoretical discussion of the case, the study recalls, among other contributions, the debate about the centrality of work and its psychological function and how it presents itself as a form of existence and resistance for political exile. Further, the article discusses solidarity and the 'public space of word', a possibility that ceases in the country of origin and seeks to restore in expatriation, primarily through work as a mode of existence and resistance. As for the methodology, this study uses the life history research, which is a rich possibility of apprehending the social experience and the subject in their practices. It is a method particularly fruitful in the study of phenomena such as migration. It is also essential through this research to register and reflect on work in the context of the recent brazilian political exile.

Recent years have witnessed the rise of far right-wing leaders in various parts of the world. Stanley (2019) recognizes the particularities of the different nations where this phenomenon is observed but advocates for generalizing it. The author, therefore, uses the label "fascism" to refer to some variety of ultranationalism. When analyzing the current Brazilian situation, Souza (2019) also refers to fascism, exploring its irrational origins and particularities in Brazil, noticing the emergence of a neo-fascism. Against this backdrop, there are cases of people leaving their countries due to the increasing violence experienced. This study explores this particular situation, presenting the history of Tiburi's exile, a philosopher, writer, university professor, and Brazilian politician. Concerning the theoretical discussion of the case, the study recalls, among other contributions, the debate about the centrality of work and its psychological function and how it presents itself as a form of existence and resistance for political exile. Further, the article discusses solidarity and the 'public space of word', a possibility that ceases in the country of origin and seeks to restore in expatriation, primarily through work as a mode of existence and resistance. As for the methodology, this study uses the life history research, which is a rich possibility of apprehending the social experience and the subject in their practices. It is a method particularly fruitful in the study of phenomena such as migration. It is also essential through this research to register and reflect on work in the context of the recent brazilian political exile.

As media education concepts and practices have been disseminated and strengthened in European countries and Americas, the policies responsible for that expansion remain little known, particularly in countries where the achievements have been recently noted. That is the case for Brazil, where there have been new opportunities for media education, considered as a valuable resource to help accomplish goals of the educational system. This paper looks into the contribution of media education to the enhancement of teaching and learning in the context of innovations brought by recent policies of the Brazilian Ministry of Education. After educational reform programmes which brought the opportunity for emerging fields such as media education, we produced teaching material and conducted a series of workshops with students and teachers from state secondary schools. By reading and producing multimedia information about local public services available to young people, pupils learned about democracy, citizenship, civic engagement, media language, and identity. Lessons from our experiment are discussed against the backdrop of education policies being implemented to ameliorate harsh conditions resulting from the recent economic crisis. We suggest that media education can help by creating a learning environment in which the students become aware of the value of educational attainments.

As media education concepts and practices have been disseminated and strengthened in European countries and Americas, the policies responsible for that expansion remain little known, particularly in countries where the achievements have been recently noted. That is the case for Brazil, where there have been new opportunities for media education, considered as a valuable resource to help accomplish goals of the educational system. This paper looks into the contribution of media education to the enhancement of teaching and learning in the context of innovations brought by recent policies of the Brazilian Ministry of Education. After educational reform programmes which brought the opportunity for emerging fields such as media education, we produced teaching material and conducted a series of workshops with students and teachers from state secondary schools. By reading and producing multimedia information about local public services available to young people, pupils learned about democracy, citizenship, civic engagement, media language, and identity. Lessons from our experiment are discussed against the backdrop of education policies being implemented to ameliorate harsh conditions resulting from the recent economic crisis. We suggest that media education can help by creating a learning environment in which the students become aware of the value of educational attainments.

This paper presents an overview of the salient features of today's technical education and the growth and development of technical education in India from the eighteenth century. The nineteenth century has witnessed the birth many branches of engineering and technology in addition to the classical one of civil and mechanical. It also provides and insight into the Technical Education before independence from Vedic period. A detailed survey of growth of technical education and development of technical institutions has been made various commissions and committees on Technical Education have been briefly explaining and their recommendations. After independence Government has appointed various committees to suggest the growth and development, has also been discussed. National Policy on technical education challenges of Technical Education, Quality improvement and industry-Institution collaboration in Technical Education, Research and development, scientific and Industrial development as well as the National Policy of Education (NPE) and other vital facets has also been discussed. AICTE framed rules, regulations and guidelines in all India level in Engineering have been reviewed. At the end of the paper National Knowledge Commission has been discussed. The paper also enumerates various recommendations of committees appointed by central Government.

This paper discusses racial relations in teaching of children´s and young literature in Brazil. Based on the laws 10.639/2003 and 11.645/2008, which require that Brazilian schools teach the history and culture of Afro-Brazilians and Native Nations, we seek to problematize the applied research project From Reader To Reader, considering the effectiveness of the cited laws and the receiving of the African and Afro-Brazilian literary books brought together in Kit Afro: an affirmative policy of democratization of the access to literary production for diversity implemented by the Municipal Teaching Network of Belo Horizonte. Our discussions are guided by studies about race relations in Brazil (GOMES, 2012), teaching of literature (OLIVEIRA, 2015) and transcultural and decolonial pedagogy (HOPENHAY, 2009; WALSH, 2017).

Since the 1990s, Brazil has experienced a growing public debate about policies of ethnic affirmative action. The arguments invoked by the opponents of affirmative action quotas, expressed in scientific publications, the mass media and even manifestos, have been the subject of study in several research projects. In their analyses, these scholars have concluded that the the anti-quota arguments suffered from logical inconsistency, theoretical and methodological flaws or simple lack of empirical evidence. However, anti-quota rhetoric appears to persist seemingly unaffected by academic counter-arguments, if not in the academic debate, at least in public opinion. This paper argues that the persuasive power of anti-quota arguments derives from the strategic use of specific rhetorical strategies, based on time-proven classical speech imagery that foreground evidence and logic even where speculation and heuristics are the actual foundation. Using methods of Critical Discourse Analysis I will analyze a representative corpus of prominent public discourses against ethnic affirmative action quotas in order to demonstrate how rhetorical strategies are deployed in these texts, showing how they broadly mirror the proposition of a "Rhetoric of Reaction" (Hirschman 1991). These rhetorics, I argue, draw heavily on the myth of "racial democracy" combined with a long-standing national master-narrative of Brazilian exceptionalism, the combination of which masks racial animosity and defers policy action to support ethnic minorities.

I recently told one of my graduate students that I was contributing to the panel on which these papers are based, and he replied that reading Michael Katz'sThe Irony of Early School Reform: Educational Innovation in Mid-Nineteenth Century Massachusetts(2001a) led him to apply to graduate school. My story is the same. When I was deciding whether to pursue a graduate degree, Katz'sClass, Bureaucracy, and Schools(1975) convinced me to study the history of education. What Katz's scholarship, and later his mentorship, taught me was that one could be a historian with an eye toward justice, that one need not compartmentalize scholarly, political, and ethical commitments.

To what extent is it possible for a social movement to transform a public education system in order to promote an alternative social vision? Under what conditions can this implementation occur within the bureaucratic state apparatus, at the regional and national level? How does state-society collaboration develop, in contexts where civil society groups and the state have opposing interests? This dissertation addresses these questions through an investigation of the educational initiatives of the Brazilian Landless Workers Movement (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra, or MST), a national social movement of rural workers struggling for agrarian reform. MST activists have been able to implement educational proposals in rural public schools that encourage youth to stay in the countryside, foster a sense of belonging to the movement, promote collective forms of work, and practice participatory governance. Part I provides an overview of the multi-level and multi-sited political ethnographic approach used to conduct this research. It then reviews the literature on social movements and state-society relations, and considers how a Gramscian framework can be used to analyze how social movements implement educational proposals in public schools that are opposed to the interests of the dominant class. Part II examines the history and national expansion of the MST's educational initiative: how activists first developed their educational proposals; why the movement went from promoting popular education to participating in the public educational sphere; and why and how the federal government appropriated these ideas as a new approach to rural schooling, known as Educação do Campo (Education of the Countryside). Part III explores the MST's attempt to transform public schools in three state educational systems and two municipalities, and why the MST's success differs drastically across the country depending on the state capacity, government orientation, and level of MST mobilization in each region. Comparison of the outcomes in these subnational cases yield new and unexpected insights into the relationships and conditions that lead to or impede participatory governance: (1) low-capacity governments and weak institutions can offer unusual openings for social movements to implement participatory initiatives; (2) high-capacity state antagonism negates the positive effects of mobilization; (3) not-so-public forms of contention are an effective strategy that social movements can use to engage the state and participate in the provision of public goods; (4) technocracy is a significant barrier to participatory practices, even among supportive governments; and, (5) state-society collaboration is not possible if the leadership of a social movement does not have a strong connection to its base. Significantly, this research shows that the implementation of a social movement's goals through the state apparatus does not always lead to movement cooptation or decline. Additionally, public schools, normally institutions reproducing state power, can be used by marginalized communities to support alternative social visions. However, the case of the MST also illustrates that this process is never straightforward, easy, or permanent, as it requires communities to first develop a common vision, and then work with, in, and through the ever-changing power structures to implement this vision.