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Modalities of censorship, disciplining practices and film. A comparative analysis of the historical reception of Sergei Eistenstein's battleship potemkin (1925) in Belgium and the Netherlands This article deals with the historical reception and censorship of one of the most controversial movies in film history, Sergei M. Eisenstein's Soviet-Russian propaganda film battleship potemkin (1925). After a short overview of its turbulent censorship in major Western European countries, the manuscript compares the Belgian and the Dutch cases. This comparative approach is useful in order to understand the differential effectiveness of the various forces trying to discipline the movie – from local municipalities to political parties, pressure groups and the industry itself. Besides the observation that the Dutch and Belgian cases strongly differ, also from those in countries with an obligatory national censorship system, the article demonstrates how the potemkin event became a site of struggle, the target of intense ideological pressures, debate and different types – modalities – of 'censorship'.

For many centuries, the landscape and cultural history of the Netherlands have been influenced by the rural estates of large landowners. Their country houses with gardens, parks and farmland formed an important combination of practical aspects of economic management and aesthetic landscaping. Many castles or country houses were linked to large landholdings of several hundred, sometimes even thousands of hectares, as in the case of the Veluwezoom in the Province of Gelderland. Since the late Middle Ages this area, now known as Gelders Arcadia, has been popular with the landed elite, whose ranks have included noble families, stadtholders, city regents and bankers. The undulating landscape, the rivers and brooks and the fertile land was ideally suited to the creation of the desired combination of productive and aesthetic landscapes. One of the special aspects of the Gelders Arcadia estate zone is that it represents nearly every stage in the development of the Dutch country estate, from the emergence of castles and lordships (c. 500-1600), to the foundation of small country retreats by town regents (c. 1600-1800), and the creation of villa-like country estates for a new elite of bankers, industrialists and lawyers (c. 1800-1940). The historic country houses and landed estates are manifestations of their time and therefore very diverse, ranging from transformed noble castles with large landholdings to the rural retreats of town regents to villa-like country houses for the newly wealthy. Not only the architecture of the house and park, but also the use, the anchoring in the cultural landscape and the social significance underwent development. A historical-geographical approach was used to analyse location and distribution patterns and to investigate the size, character and functions of country estates in each period from an economic, political, societal and social perspective. It appears that the majority of new country houses and estates were created by a new elite of the newly rich, whereas the old elite continued ...

Introduction:The foregoing chapters of this book have demonstrated the extent to which national civil servants are involved in EU-related activities, and the dynamics of national administrative activities in the context of the EU. This chapter shifts the focus from national civil servants working on the European Union to national civil servants working for the European Union. This is a class of national civil servants for whom finding a balance between national and European interests in their work is a permanent, although sometimes implicit feature of their daily professional activities. The duality of national and European roles is perhaps the most exacerbated for the seconded national experts (SNEs), i.e. national civil servants who are temporarily working for EU institutions, in particular those seconded to the European Commission.2 On the one hand, Commission SNEs have to be loyal to the Commission and represent European interests in this supranational organ of the EU. On the other hand, their employer is still the member-state government, and they are expected to return to their home organization after their secondment term ends. The SNEs are thus practically torn between two employers: their daily employer under whose supervision they work (the Commission) and the national employer who sent them on the secondment and continues to pay their salaries (the member-state).

The military is generally considered to act as a professional when it comes to retreating forces from military battleground or international conflict areas. At the same time recent national experiences with the withdrawal of national troops from international peacekeeping operations are filled with disappointments and crises. In this article the authors question the idea that these disappointments and crises are simply due to problems of reduced military competence or military morale. They argue that the military is still the alleged expert who knows how to perform military retreats and other military actions. At the same time they show that network-like decision-making structures that are inherent to the deployment of troops in international peacekeeping missions, have become a major obstacle for the military to act in its own right. The lessons that government can learn from the military experience are firstly, that decisions for national public cutbacks should be accompanied by a more in-depth (re)consideration of public (key) tasks than up to now was considered appropriate, and secondly, that more trust should be shown in the skills, knowledge and motivation of professionals to delineate and constrain the boundaries of their own fields of expertise.

Abstract It is essential for democracy that political parties should act within their promulgated policy frameworks, which are formally represented in election programmes. If political parties deviate from this principle, the election would lose its meaning, jeopardising democracy. In this respect, planning in Groningen in the 1970s, which realised progressive plans like the traffic circulation plan, was democratic, although it was criticised for lacking public participation. However, planning in the 1980s casts serious doubt on its democratic nature. Various large-scale projects were promoted, and they caused harsh criticism even within the government party, Labour Party. This paper focuses on four projects, that is, the PTT (office development), Brink (residential towers), Casino and Museum, all of which were planned in or next to the inner city of Groningen in the 1980s. This paper will examine these projects in terms of the policy frameworks of the Labour Party, which were created in the 1970s. These projects brought about drastic change of historical landscape, and were clearly contrary to the party frameworks or those measures that were introduced to guarantee the frameworks, such as the local land use plan. As a result, they gave rise to not only strong opposition among citizens, but also criticism of party members who still cherished those party frameworks.

After the Vienna Congress in 1815, the Allied ministers did not return home, but continued their negotiations in Paris. They deliberated on the measure of reparation payments and arrear payments that France owed to the other European states. The new peace also rested on financial securities. The United Kingdom of the Netherlands assumed a large part in these conferences, since through the mass of private claims it was France's largest creditor. In this article we demonstrate how, as one of the essentials of the new concert diplomacy of 1815, smaller powers such as the Netherlands were allowed to weigh in on the Four Powers' deliberations in Paris. The political conundrums regarding these financial securities and reparationshave not been charted and analysed before. Through previously unstudied sources,such as the minutes of the Paris Ministerial Conference, we discuss the influence a secondary power could exert provided they deployed smart financial experts. Under that condition large political and financial gains could be made.

In recent years, Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAV) have turned from military and industrial products to ordinary consumer products. Hobbyists and even children can use UAVs for various reasons, such as scouting for prey, photography or for entertainment. This evolution led us to believe that in the next decades, UAVs will evolve to a point where they can be present in our daily life. In this thesis, we present a self-contained UAV system for autonomous flight. This system contains a low-cost UAV in combination with a low-cost RGBD camera. This combination allows the UAV to localize itself using a RGBD SLAM approach. Using the localization, the UAV is capable of mapping and navigating in an unknown environment. Due to this, the UAV is able fly autonomously without further user input. The accuracy of the localization is evaluated. Furthermore, we introduce concepts in which human-UAV interaction provides useful.

This dissertation reports on the research into Surinamese constitutional law during the military administration between 1980 and 1987. During this period of martial law there was neither an elected parliament nor any other form of authority with parliamentary legitimacy in Suriname. The research into the military administration is predominantly normative research into the formal constitutional arrangement of the Surinamese state during the 1980-1987 era. During the military period, historically developed principles and requirements of the rule of law and democracy were discarded either completely or in part, with some being completely absent and others remaining intact. This turnaround also brought about a fundamental change in the administrative structure and laws of Suriname. In addition, new legal institutions were added to the judicial system.During this period, the then ruling political powers argued that Suriname remained a constitutional democracy and that martial law was only a necessity under the circumstances. To assess to what extent there was democratic rule as well as the justification of the use of martial law, a study was conducted into the theoretics of constitutional democracy and martial law. States often are described as constitutional democracies; however, around the world there are differences as regards to what extent. To measure the degree of democracy, it is tested against internationally recognized frameworks enshrined in international conventions, treaties and doctrines. Theories on the subject of the constitutional democracy and martial law have been developed and fine-tuned over the years. In this research, such theories were applied in order to answer the main question as well as the key questions:How was the setup of the Trias Politica during the 1980 – 1987 military administration?Based on the main question key questions were formulated, namely: 1.How were the three powers arranged?2.What authorities were bestowed upon them?3.How did the three powers relate to each other?4.To what ...

In a time of social liquefaction and a network approach to governance citizens and their organizations are increasingly expected to contribute to the revitalization of society. Civil society organizations are valued and used by governments for contributing to a diverse range of public issues. Sports is one of those domains in which voluntary organizations are expected to contribute to society. A range of governments increasingly use voluntary sport clubs (VSCs) as partners for contributing to public issues, like counteracting overweight among youth, improve social integration of immigrants, improving social cohesion in neighbourhoods and activating the elderly. In this dissertation this process is conceptualized as instrumentalization. In this dissertation the construction of the instrumental role of voluntary sport clubs in municipal sport policy and the way in which two VSCs in the Dutch municipality of Utrecht enact this instrumental role are studied in depth. The dissertation has three aims. First, it aims to describe and understand the process of instrumentalization of VSCs, showing tensions between instrumentalization by government and the relative autonomous position of VSCs. Second, the dissertation aims to conceptualize instrumentalization as such. The concept is used in a range of academic subdisciplines, but has not yet been extensively conceptualized. Therefore, this dissertation provides a foundational contribution for further use of this concept. Third, the dissertation aims to contribute to the ongoing development of a more on agency oriented institutional approach, by combining two recent streams in this theory. It belongs to a very select number of studies that combine the institutional logics approach and the institutional work approach. The dissertation answers the follow research question: How do voluntary sport clubs enact the instrumentalization by governments and what does that mean for the dominant institutional logic(s) in voluntary sport clubs? The design of the study was inspired by ...

Between 1949 and 1962 the Netherlands renounced its sovereignty over most of its overseas territories. Nevertheless, during the entire period of the Cold War, the Royal Netherlands Navy (RNLN) stood by its point of view that it had a global task to fulfil. This military-naval deployment, outside the NATO treaty area during and shortly after the Cold War in relation to the structural global ambitions of the Royal Netherlands Navy's leadership, is the central theme of this study. This theme is analysed on the basis of theories and an understanding of multinational fleet operations after 1945 and Dutch policy regarding naval operations outside the NATO treaty area, but above all through regional case studies (Korean War 1950-1955, operations around the Arabian peninsula 1984-2000, and in the Adriatic Sea and Montenegrin waters 1992-2001). These case studies were examined by addressing the following central questions: to what extent did these missions involve a traditional approach to Dutch foreign policy? To what extent did the Navy's leadership influence the political-strategic decision-making on these out-of-area operations? To what extent were Dutch tasks and operations different from those of coalition partners, specifically those of the British Royal Navy, which the Royal Netherlands Navy considered to be its 'sister navy'? To what extent did the existing national and international perceptions of the RNLN influence Dutch decision-making on these missions, and how much did the participation in multinational fleet operations subsequently contribute to the objectives the Dutch government had in mind? In all the three case studies, the national and international perception of the Netherlands as a maritime nation and the ability to deploy high-quality navy units were taken into account in the Dutch government's decision-making regarding the RNLN participation in multinational fleet operations. The missions always received international, and especially British and American, appreciation and respect. The fact that ...

The trend that saw care, welfare and educational institutions being expected to collaborate at a local level began in the 1980s. This is now standard practice, with, for example, the implementation of the WMO (Social Support Act) or the Brede School (a network of provisions for children, parents and district with the school at its core), but Zuidersma noticed that this was still very much in its infancy fifteen years ago. She conducted research into local collaboration between care and educational institutions with a focus on Nursing and Care programmes. 'What was already conceived in 1980 was only introduced from 1997 onwards. In my research I discovered that there was great call for collaboration but that very little was known about how this should take shape and which attitudes should be fostered to achieve a concrete result.' Success factors Questionnaires and observations of dozens of collaborating organizations helped Zuidersma come up with a number of critical success factors. First, the institutions involved need to be aware that their partnership is not an organization in itself but a network with a specific goal. This actually requires the different layers at the partner organizations to interact: for example, the manager of a care institution speaking directly with a teacher at a school. Together with this multilayered aspect, Zuidersma introduces the term of reciprocity, in which not the status of the organization is the main focus but, for example, the interest of students or patients. Over the course of time the organizations should sense where this joint interest lies and none of them should dictate the agenda. They must be able to grow together. This is crucial to the success of a project. 'I noticed that the parties involved generally collaborate well, but that if things are proceeding less smoothly the organizations stake out their positions, making effective consultation more difficult.' Two other factors that Zuidersma distinguishes are that the collaboration has a long-term perspective and that those working in such a partnership are accessible, both physically and digitally. Measuring instrument On the basis of her research Zuidersma can provide a method which organizations working in different social fields can use to structure their partnership. This includes a measuring instrument that makes it clear whether objectives are being achieved and an observation method that determines whether difficult discussions involving divergent interests are actually effective. It is also a good test for checking whether collaboration is worthwhile at all, says Zuidersma. 'I hope that my thesis will communicate the message that one can look at these conditions and say with certainty: we will not opt for collaboration at present. Organizations must look very critically at whether they have a joint objective; otherwise they should not even begin. You should never collaborate for the sake of collaborating.'

Time is of crucial importance in the actions of professionals in the public sector. Policy initiatives, processes or initiatives can be early or late, slow or fast, focused on a short or long time horizon, and stable or dynamic over time. The timing, sequence, speed, duration, and time horizons of governance efforts can play an important role in shaping their success and failure in public governance. Studying the temporal dimensions of governance thus makes sense academically. Likewise, enhancing the temporal awareness and action repertoire of public professionals – their ability to understand and use time – is a relevant endeavour for an applied academic field such as public administration. The aim of this study is to explore and develop a viable conceptual approach to time in public governance. This theoretical development starts with an exploration of the meaning of time in the context of public governance. It follows from this that time should not be treated as an object that is 'out there'. In reality, time is an instrument of sensemaking. People actively impose temporal forms on the outside world, in order to be able to make sense of it and navigate in it. Therefore, time in public governance is studied here as a verb instead of a noun: as temporalising, instead of 'time'. In this study, I explore the various forms in which temporalising public governance might be conceptualised, studied and interpreted. I do so by conducting 10 ten cases of strategic governance challenges and processes in the Netherlands. The cases cover a range of policy domains, questions to be resolved and kinds of actors involved. In each case, the research emphasis is on how the perspective of temporalising can be useful as both an analytical tool for scholars and as a reflective practice for public professionals. In a series of five paired cases, five initial sensitizing concepts are developed through action research. Grounded in the work of Argyris, Schön and Rein, I engage in reflective conversations with professionals to explore ...

The standard picture of public governance in the Dutch Republic (1579-1795) is one of consultation with multiple stakeholders, peaceful negotiations with representatives from a range of governmental institutions, and agreements and compromise. This picture has been the subject of much debate among historians and other scholars. One question concerns the extent to which this kind of governance evolved from the traditional practices of water authorities, as these institutions emerged very early, at the end of the thirteenth century. A further question is whether it is correct to assume that these peaceful negotiations did in fact involve participation by a wide range of societal stakeholders. This book contributes to this debate by presenting the results of new research into the development of governance by water authorities prior to 1800. In the late Middle Ages and Early Modern period, these institutions changed as a result of ecological, socio-economic and political developments. The central question is how these developments affected the evolution of and governance within the water authorities. The research focuses on two inter-local water authorities: first, the water authority of the Bunschoten Veen and Velden dikes in the Province of Utrecht; and second, the water authority of Mastenbroek polder in the Province of Overijssel. How were landholders represented in such authorities, and what was the relationship between developments in representation and participation in decision-making? The positions and backgrounds of the board members of these two water authorities were investigated, as well as the process of decision-making. The theoretical framework was provided by theories of consociationalism (Lijphart 1968 and Putnam 1993), in which peaceful governance is defined in terms of consensus politics or politics of accommodation. A set of criteria was formulated to assess the occurrence of participative decision-making by stakeholders. These criteria were tested against the discussions and decisions found in ...

Het proefschrift heeft als onderwerp de toekomst van de Vlaamse parochiekerken. Het definieert het kerkenprobleem als een vierledige uitdaging. (1) Er is een gebrek aan voorgangers voor de katholieke eredienst; (2) het kerkbezoek neemt gestaag af, maar voor bijzondere vieringen zoals doopsels en begrafenissen blijft de parochiekerk dienst doen voor een groot deel van de bevolking; (3) de kosten (zowel qua exploitatie als qua investeringen) met betrekking tot de parochiekerken stijgen; en (4) het risico op verval van de kerken neemt toe, hoewel dat via de doorgaans goede zorgen door de kerkfabrieken (een systeem dat quasi uniek in de wereld is) te overzien blijft. De volledige uitdaging echter is niet alleen via cijfers te begrijpen: politici en erfgoedexperts dreigen het kerkenprobleem te generaliseren en oplossingen, tot herbestemming toe, te projecteren die in feite geen antwoord zijn op de concrete situaties in de Vlaamse parochies. Vandaag is het daarom nodig om het kerkenprobleem te zien als een breed-maatschappelijk en steeds gesitueerd probleem. Het kerkenprobleem is te complex, te specifiek en telkens te lokaal om een generalistische aanpak voor te stellen die gebaseerd is op a priori categorieën. Dat leidt tot de volgende dubbele onderzoeksvraag: welke strategische aanpak van het bestaande kerkprobleem leidt tot zowel een architecturale herdefiniëring als een conviviale herwaardering van het kerkgebouw? Dit onderzoek tast een mogelijk spoor af; het vindt daarvoor inspiratie in de Actor-Network Theory en de spatial-agencypraktijk en - theorie (of: de expliciet maatschappelijk geëngageerde architectuur), twee kennisdomeinen die complexiteit, specificiteit en het lokale aspect steeds incalculeren en daarenboven theorie en praktijk niet zien als gescheiden werelden. Ook veldonderzoek speelt een belangrijke rol in dit onderzoek; er is gekozen voor de Schulense Sint-Jan de Doperkerk (Schulen is een deelgemeente van het Limburgse Herk-de-Stad) als casestudy. Het onderzoek werkt een strategie voor de Vlaamse parochiekerken uit die meer pragmatisch is en meer op de praktijk gericht dan wat verschillende experts ter zake voorstellen; het brengt aanknopingspunten, ' propositions' (naar de Franse filosoof en socioloog Bruno Latour), in kaart die het kerkgebouw zelf aanbiedt. Om dat te verwezenlijken bouwt het onderzoek eerst een brede definitie - een dikke beschrijving - op van wat het kerkgebouw is door na te gaan wat het kerkgebouw werkelijk doet of teweegbrengt (herdefiniëring). Aan de hand van de aanknopingspunten articuleert de tekst mogelijke invullingen voor het kerkgebouw (herwaardering). In hoofdzaak bestaat het proefschrift uit drie delen: (1) een status quaestionis met betrekking tot het debat over de toekomst van de parochiekerken, met de nadruk op Vlaanderen, (2) een nieuw (theoretisch) onderzoekskader dat voortkomt uit een kritiek op hoe experts denken over de parochiekerken en dat steunt op het spatial-agencydiscours en op hedendaagse sociale theorie, en (3) de uitwerking van een methodiek of een protocol om het kerkenprobleem praktisch te behandelen, gebaseerd op het nieuwe onderzoekskader en uitgewerkt als een constante wisselwerking van theorie en praktijk. Dat is de wijze waarop de dubbele onderzoeksvraag onderzocht werd. Doorheen het onderzoek verschijnt nevenbestemming, als een aanpak die (pragmatisch) voortbouwt op wat al voorhanden is, méér als oplossing dan harde herbestemming. Dat betekent niet dat het zinvol is om herbestemming op voorhand uit te sluiten. Via dorpsvergaderingen, enquêtes, publieke acties in het kerkgebouw en ontwerpend onderzoek en participatiesessies aan de hand van grote maquettes werd de maatschappelijke performance van de Schulense parochiekerk onderzocht en werden mogelijke toekomstige invullingen getest. De praktijk voedde in die zin de strategie evenveel als de theorie. Meer nog: de praktijk weerlegde belangrijke delen van de bestaande theorie rond de toekomst van de parochiekerken.

If someone lends money to another person, he trusts that he will get his money back. Particularly in the context of commercial relationships, there is a need for more security. Such security can be achieved by a so-called security right on someone's property. If the debtor does not pay back the borrowed money, the secured creditor can use his security right to sell the property. From the proceeds, he may recover his claim. The most common example of such a security right is the mortgage on a house. Another security right is the right of pledge. Movable goods and claims can be pledged. In former days, a good could only be pledged if the good was actually handed over to the creditor. If the debtor did pay his loan, he got his property back. One could think of the pawnshop. Since 1992, the Dutch Civil Code offers the possibility to pledge a good, while the debtor stays in possession. This means that the debtor can then continue to use the good, for example if the pledged good is a machine that is necessary for the business operations of the debtor. This PhD thesis analyzes the consequences such invisible security right leads to. Imagine the situation that a third person buys the pledged good from the debtor. Or that a third party gives a loan to the debtor because he thinks that there are enough means of recovery against the debtor's property. Should there be stricter requirements for invisible security rights? Is the insolvency administrator obliged to give the pledged machine, which is necessary for the business operations, back to the creditor? These and other questions are answered in the PhD thesis. Additionally, solutions are developed to address the arising problems.