Suchergebnisse

Milutin Gubash is a Serbian and Canadian artist. He lives and works in Montreal (Quebec) since 2005, and was born in 1969 in Novi Sad, in ex-Yugoslavia. He leaves this country, which does not exist anymore, at the age of three years old to settle in Calgary, Alberta (Canada), under the choice of his father. After going to the University, Milutin Gubash establishes his own artistic practice in 2002 using as photography as video, as well as performance. His art focuses on identity research, which reflects his own life and experience of a political immigrant. Gubash makes his own personal investigations the starting point of his artistic production, questioning this way the boundaries in-between private and public. Artist-author and actor of his life and works (performances, videos, and photos) the artist use his own person as well as his family as characters into his stories. Then, the specificity of Milutin Gubash work is the exhibition of his private and intimate life into his art. "Extimacy" is a psychoanalyst term that defines the human tendency to exhibit our intimacy in front of public audience. Serge Tisseron, a French psychoanalyst reuses this concept in 2001 and refines the original Lacanian definition. "Extimacy" came out into the contemporary art during our last decade through narrative and autobiographical practices, and serves here as an opening to Milutin Gubash oeuvre ; Milutin Gubash est un artiste serbe et canadien. Il vit et travaille à Montréal (Québec) depuis 2005, et est né en 1969 à Novi Sad, en ex-Yougoslavie. Ce pays qui n'existe plus aujourd'hui, il le quitte à l'âge de trois ans pour s'établir à Calgary, en Alberta (Canada) sous l'engouement de son père. Après un passage par l'université, Milutin Gubash développe une pratique artistique dès 2002 et produit un art multiforme, allant de la vidéo, à la photo et à la performance. Il oriente l'essentiel de sa démarche artistique autour d'un questionnement identitaire propre à la figure de l'immigré politique. Il fait de ses recherches personnelles le point de départ de ses créations qui interrogent les limites entre la sphère privée et publique. Artiste, auteur, et acteur, de sa vie et dans ses œuvres (performances, vidéos et photos) Milutin Gubash utilise les membres de sa famille comme personnages pour de nouveaux récits. En effet, la particularité du travail de Milutin Gubash est l'exposition de sa vie privée, et intime, dans son œuvre. "Extimité" est un terme issu de la psychanalyse, il désigne la tendance inhérente à l'être humain à s'exposer soi-même. Serge Tisseron, reprend ce terme prononcé une premier fois pas Lacan en 1968, et précise sa définition. Apparu dans le monde de l'art contemporain au cours des dix dernières années, l'extimité sert d'ouverture à l'œuvre de Milutin Gubash.

This article entitled "Democratization of the Islamic Education System in Malaysia: An Over Review". Education development program depends not only on material development alone, but requires a concern to Muslim educators develop curriculum framework and methodology for Islamic education is progressive and viable.This paper will peel related democratization Islamic education system in Malaysia in general.Discussion covers some of the main topics: concept and philosophy of Islamic education, the national Islamic educational philosophy in Malaysia, and specific discussion of approaches to the framework of the democratization of the Islamic education system in Malaysia. Democratization of the education system is a knowledge-based culture system practiced in the golden age of Islam.Review and improvement of the curriculum of Islamic studies in Malaysia have to be done to realize the aspirations and objectives of Islamic education in line with the National Education Policy and the National Development Policy.Statement of Educational Philosophy of Islam which emphasizes the knowledge, skills, and appreciation of Islam based on the Al-Qur'an and Al-Sunnah should be systematically realized. System and form of Islamic education should be able to implement the "khaira ummah" or the best of peoples and "ummatan wasatan" or reference for other people.

International audience ; Les élites du Komintern et la grande crise des années 1930. Serge wolikow Il faut en premier lieu rappeler ici ce qu'est le Komintern-une organisation créee en 1919, qui affirme son ambition d'être un parti mondial – celui de la révolution. Cette organisation qui se présente comme la 3 e Internationale a une consistance ambivalente : elle est mondiale, sans prise sur les Etats et très partiellement sur les systèmes politiques mais par contre elle est soumise à l'emprise de l'Etat russe puis soviétique … Il est paradoxal de parler d'élite pour un groupe dont le statut social est médiocre en termes de revenu et de mode de vie-leur situation distinctive prend évidement appui sur leur statut politique – encore celui-ci est-il variable – il peut être de premier plan dans la hiérarchie de l'Internationale communiste mais très faible dans leur pays… En fait il s'agit d'un groupe dirigeant dont la position est fondée sur l'organisation appuyée en fait sur un état. La plupart n'ont pas en charge directement l'activité économique. Bon nombre sont des fonctionnaires politiques dont quelques uns sont des intellectuels. En ce sens on peut les rapprocher des centres d'observations – bureaux statistiques des Etats, de la SDN sauf que les analyses qu'ils produisent ont un effet politique direct. La part de l'analyse économique est considérable dans l'activité de l'organisation – il suffit de voir la place qu'elle occupe dans les documents – pour autant il ne s'agit pas de véritables études économiques scientifiques – elles sont en permanence surdéterminées par les enjeux politiques depuis le début des années vingt. Le groupe dirigeant de l'Internationale communiste est interpellé par le développement de la crise économique mondiale à partir de 1929. Se situant par définition à l'échelle mondiale, les leaders du mouvement communiste international trouvent dans les événements économiques des raisons qui légitiment l'action et le programme de leur organisation. Pour autant ils restent prisonniers d'une analyse qui n'a cessé de diagnostiquer la crise du système depuis le début des années vingt. Les différences sinon les divergences concernant l'analyse du système capitaliste sont en partie gommée par l'évolution économique internationale sans que disparaissent les fluctuations entre interventions conjoncturelles et démarche stratégique.

On 14th December 2012 Rens Bod delivered his inaugural address as Professor of Computational and Digital Humanities at the University of Amsterdam. Under the ominous title Het einde van de geesteswetenschappen 1.0 [The End of the Humanities 1.0], the lecture provided a spirited agenda for the future of the arts and humanities. This Forum of the BMGN - Low Countries Historical Review seeks to facilitate a discussion about Rens Bod's ideas from the perspective of current historical science in the Netherlands and Belgium. For this purpose the editors have asked three historians with expertise in digital humanities – Inger Leemans, Andreas Fickers and Marnix Beyen – to engage with Bod's agenda from their respective cultural, political and media historical perspective.

The UNICUM development project, commissioned by the Dutch Academic Heritage Foundation Stichting Academisch Erfgoed (SAE), has been carried out by the five classic Dutch universities in 2010– 2012. UNICUM, short for 'University Collections and University Museums', has received a national government grant to create a digital portal to Dutch academic heritage. The portal, which can be reached via www.academischecollecties.nl, presents both academic archives and museum and library collections. Images, collection metadata and items can be found on one site. The UNICUM idea is inspired by the Online Archive of California. The project is important because it crosses the traditional sector boundaries between museums, libraries and archives, it creates awareness of the opportunities which this cross-sectoral approach offers, and it retains the context of – and the relation between – objects within collections as a whole. Moreover, the joint effort brings to light the importance of creating metadata according to international standards to stimulate re-use and exchange of content. In addition, UNICUM intended to be a technical project in which multi-level descriptions are presented and can be browsed in a structured way (collections linked to objects, and archives linked to separate documents). Now the project is finished, the focus will shift to generating content.

La problemática abordada en este trabajo se propone analizar los inicios del Centro Unión de Almaceneros de Rosario desde su creación en 1894 hasta 1909, año en el que un importante movimiento encabezado entre otros por los comerciantes minoristas de la ciudad hará tambalear al gobierno de la comuna y que consideramos clave para su consolidación. El Centro, que se presentaba como representante de los intereses de los pequeños comerciantes minoristas de la ciudad, atravesó por estos años un complejo camino hasta su fortalecimiento institucional contribuyendo a la gestación de una identidad propia y diferenciada de los "almaceneros rosarinos" a partir de diferentes procesos, por un lado, a través de su capacidad para encauzar los reclamos de sus representados ante el poder político local, provincial y nacional respecto de los asuntos de interés para el gremio, tales como impuestos, tasas y contribuciones. En segundo lugar, estableciendo una clara diferenciación respecto de otras entidades corporativas con las que cohabitaba a nivel local, sobre todo con la Bolsa de Comercio representante de los intereses de la gran burguesía comercial de la urbe; y finalmente, utilizando su importante masa societaria en la política municipal a través de la intervención directa en el Concejo Deliberante a partir de su alianza con la recientemente creada Liga del Sur. ; This paper attempts to analyse the beginnings of Centro Unión de Almaceneros de Rosario since its creation in 1894 until 1909, year in which an important movement headed by Rosario retailers made the city government unstable. At the same time, 1909 is considered a key year for the consolidation of the union. This union, which represented the interests of Rosario retailers, went through a complex process until it became a strong institution that contributed to the development of an identity of their own, different from that of "Rosario Grocers". This was done in the first place through its capacity to channel the claims of its represented before the local, provincial ...

En este artículo nos proponemos volver a pensar (y sobre todo conceptualizar) la relación entre peronismo y democracia, en el contexto del Primer Congreso Nacional de Filosofía, en 1949. En este sentido trabajaremos más precisamente acerca del rol que tuvo dentro del movimiento la idea de comunidad. Nuestra hipótesis es que la perspectiva comunitaria implicó una forma diferente de concebir la democracia; una interpretación que, en su desenvolvimiento, permitió re-significar el escenario relacional de los distintos sectores sociales, en la Argentina de mediados de la década del 40. ; In this article we proposereturn to think (and especially to conceptualize) the relationship between peronism and democracy, in the context of the first National Congress of philosophy, in 1949. In this respect we will work more precisely about the role that had the idea of community within the movement. Our hypothesis is that the Community perspective implied a different way of conceiving democracy; an interpretation which, in its development, allowed re-signified relational stage of social sectors, in the Argentina of the 40s. ; Fil: Williams, Roy Carlos. Universidad Nacional de Rosario. Facultad de Ciencia Política y Relaciones Internacionales, Argentina.

International audience ; The infirmary of the Cistercian abbey of Ourscamp (Oise) retains an early thirteenth-century polychromy exceptionally well preserved, even though restored in the nineteenth century. Mainly composed of white masonry patterns and a number of vegetal and geometrical motifs painted in white and red, this scheme is a major example of the northern-France architectural polychromy. Moreover, it illustrates how the Cistercian taste could conciliate the latest fashion in the field of decoration and the requirements of sobriety dictated by the Cistercian legislation.

International audience ; In March 1969, in an article for New York magazine, the art critic Barbara Rose developed what would remain for her, as well as for many subsequent authors, a major thesis in the interpretation of conceptual art. By dematerializing art, she claimed, conceptual artists were formulating an unprecedented critique of the art market and the economic system in general. Indeed, who would pay for a sheet of paper with scribbles on it? Who would readily purchase an idea that can be appropriated just by reading it? "Artists today," she wrote, "are virtually fleeing the art world and the political economy on which it rests." 1

Relocating the capital of Kazakhstan from Almaty to Akmola (then renamed Astana) in 1997 has been the subject of an intense debate, particularly within media. The process of creating the new capital of Kazakhstan should consider the broader perspective of historical, political and ideological, social, climatic and geographical factors, and finally to put the matter in terms of architecture and urban planning. The author considers this very broad perspective, finally expressing the hope that the project of "the city of the future" analyzed in the article, will become a permanent part of the Kazakh reality.

In her Keynote Address at the October, 12, 2012 Symposium, Filling Power Vacuums in the New Global Legal Order, Anne-Marie Slaughter describes the concepts of "power over" and "power with" in the global world of law. Power over is the ability to achieve the outcomes you want by commanding or manipulating others. Power with is the ability to mobilize people to do things. In the globalized world, power operates much more through power with than through power over. In contrast to the hierarchical power of national governments, globally it is more important to be central in the horizontal system of multiple sovereigns. This Address illustrates different examples of power over and power with. It concludes that in this globalized world, lawyers are ideally trained and positioned to exercise power.

International audience ; Les élites du Komintern et la grande crise des années 1930. Serge wolikow Il faut en premier lieu rappeler ici ce qu'est le Komintern-une organisation créee en 1919, qui affirme son ambition d'être un parti mondial – celui de la révolution. Cette organisation qui se présente comme la 3 e Internationale a une consistance ambivalente : elle est mondiale, sans prise sur les Etats et très partiellement sur les systèmes politiques mais par contre elle est soumise à l'emprise de l'Etat russe puis soviétique … Il est paradoxal de parler d'élite pour un groupe dont le statut social est médiocre en termes de revenu et de mode de vie-leur situation distinctive prend évidement appui sur leur statut politique – encore celui-ci est-il variable – il peut être de premier plan dans la hiérarchie de l'Internationale communiste mais très faible dans leur pays… En fait il s'agit d'un groupe dirigeant dont la position est fondée sur l'organisation appuyée en fait sur un état. La plupart n'ont pas en charge directement l'activité économique. Bon nombre sont des fonctionnaires politiques dont quelques uns sont des intellectuels. En ce sens on peut les rapprocher des centres d'observations – bureaux statistiques des Etats, de la SDN sauf que les analyses qu'ils produisent ont un effet politique direct. La part de l'analyse économique est considérable dans l'activité de l'organisation – il suffit de voir la place qu'elle occupe dans les documents – pour autant il ne s'agit pas de véritables études économiques scientifiques – elles sont en permanence surdéterminées par les enjeux politiques depuis le début des années vingt. Le groupe dirigeant de l'Internationale communiste est interpellé par le développement de la crise économique mondiale à partir de 1929. Se situant par définition à l'échelle mondiale, les leaders du mouvement communiste international trouvent dans les événements économiques des raisons qui légitiment l'action et le programme de leur organisation. Pour autant ils restent prisonniers d'une ...

Marginalized husbands, fathers, and sons on dramatically different positions within territorial New Mexico's social, racial, and class hierarchies constructed and performed the identity of young, able-bodied, industrious "A-1 good men" when demanding entitlements from governors, penitentiary wardens, chiefs of the Mounted Police Force, and Bureau of Immigration officials in a fledgling territory that desperately coveted statehood. Not a Hispano identity, an Anglo identity, or an affluent one, this gendered identity embodied a representation of the man territorial authorities defined as the ideal New Mexican, an image deemed necessary to merit and achieve equal inclusion in the United States.I argue that New Mexico's underfunded institutions of the Territorial Penitentiary, Mounted Police Force, Bureau of Immigration, and territorial courts--institutions designed to facilitate New Mexico's transition from a demeaned site of Spanish, Mexican, and indigenous Pueblo authority to a celebrated site of U.S., Anglo, and federal authority--enabled this gendered representation to flourish. This dissertation interrogates how and why territorial institutions differentially recognized those with whom they interacted, directly or tangentially, including immigrant miners, an incarcerated pregnant African American teenager and her veteran father, an elderly Anglo female murder victim, imprisoned Hispano husbands, Hispana business owners in need of police protection, and young Anglo "cowmen" seeking employment. New Mexico's status as a peripheral participant in the nation propelled a milieu of unbelonging and rigorous racialization. Scrutinizing demands for entitlements found in the correspondence, advertisements, and judicial proceedings of territorial institutions illuminates a gendered rhetorical pattern that determined whose labor would be considered most valuable, whose testimony would be granted the most consideration in court, whose family would merit wages from territorial employment, and whose presence would be most welcome outside of the penitentiary. New Mexico's territorial institutions are spaces where the enmeshment of race, gender, working-class masculinity, and political disenfranchisement is highly visible. These institutions did not evaluate gendered claims of entitlement equally. How women--whether Hispana, Anglo, African American, immigrant, native-born, young, elderly, domestic worker, or business owner--negotiated this space in political transition challenges the ubiquitous performances of masculinity harnessed to obtain privileges from territorial institutions.

The Spanish-American War, which began in 1898, coincided with a virulent campaign of racial violence and legal segregation directed at African Americans throughout the "Jim Crow" South. As the jingoism of the day stirred American nationalism, the question of whether to support the war against Spain was much more complicated to even the most patriotic African Americans as they faced an unceasing assault on their civil rights. Utilizing numerous editorials from the black press, and letters from African Americans written to President William McKinley, the Secretary of War, the U.S. Army Adjutant General, and various state governors, this dissertation analyzes the African American response to the Spanish-American War, and discusses how they attempted to use the conflict as a new battleground in the larger struggle for equal rights. By outlining the efforts of African Americans to be allowed to volunteer for the army during the war with Spain this study shows how they considered the opportunity to fight to be a right as American citizens. Additionally, I detail how once African Americans earned the right to form volunteer regiments they strove to guarantee the fair treatment of black soldiers, and labored to insure that African American service and sacrifice was honored and remembered properly. Finally, I chart the evolution of disillusionment as it became increasingly apparent that their contribution to the war effort would not bring lasting change.