Suchergebnisse

Thomas Ludwell Hobson, son of Joseph Hobson, will join the Academy in the Spring; also refers to "the other two youths" mentioned in an earlier letter (possibly Joseph Hobson and Thomas Paul Nash?). ; Transcription by Joseph Byrne. Transcriptions may be subject to error.

The writers received Partridge's letter of 2 February 1827 and have notified Joseph Hobson that Partridge will admit Thomas Ludwell Hobson "as early as he could go on." They also give Partridge details on when he might actually expect Thomas Ludwell Hobson, Joseph Hobson, and Thomas Paul Nash to arrive in Middletown. ; Transcription by Joseph Byrne. Transcriptions may be subject to error.

The writers update Partridge on Thomas Hobson's travel plans, indicating he will be arriving at the Academy in Middletown, Connecticut, by the middle of next month. ; Transcription by Joseph Byrne. Transcriptions may be subject to error.

Introduces William B. Clarke, who wishes to place his son and nephew at the Academy. Shares sheet of paper with the letter of William B. Clarke, same date.

The kidnapping of nationalist leader Bulmer Hobson is one of the more intriguing sideshows of the Easter Rising of 24-9 April 1916. The Military Council of the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB)1 was responsible for planning and leading the weeklong rebellion against British rule in Ireland. Members of the Irish Volunteers, the Irish Citizen Army, Cumann na mBan and Na Fianna Éireann participated in the rising, which mainly took place in Dublin. The British authorities later executed sixteen men, including the seven members of the Military Council, for their involvement in the insurrection.2 Hobson has the dubious distinction of having been held against his will by his IRB comrades from the afternoon of Good Friday, 21 April 1916 until the evening of Easter Monday, 24 April 1916, the day the rebellion broke out.

It all began with a love of books. Bulmer Hobson (1883-1969), one of the earliest chairmen of the Whitechurch Library Committee, is best known for his career as an Irish advanced nationalist leader between 1900 and 1916. Hobson's lifelong love of books is a thread that links his early attraction to the nationalist movement to his future involvement with the Whitechurch Library and other activities related to the printed word. In addition to co-founding such advanced nationalist organisations as the Dungannon Clubs, Na Fianna Éireann and the Irish Volunteers, he was also a leading figure in the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) and Sinn Féin. However, his disapproval of what he considered to be an untimely rebellion in 1916 and his evasion of arrest in the aftermath of the Easter Rising helped to scuttle what appeared to be a promising political career in an independent Ireland. After the Rising, Hobson worked in book publishing before becoming a civil servant. In his spare time he participated in efforts to build up the new state culturally and economically.

Enlistment record from 15th New York National Guard. Includes occupation, age, address, birthplace, height, eye color, hair color, complexion, etc.

Little over 200 years ago, a quarter of a century of warfare with an 'outlaw state' brought the great powers of Europe to their knees. That state was the revolutionary democracy of France. Since then, there has been a remarkable transformation in the way democracy is understood and valued – today, it is the non-democractic states that are seen as rogue regimes. Now, Christopher Hobson explores democracy's remarkable rise from obscurity to centre stage in contemporary international relations.

Asia-Pacific cities are experiencing substantial environmental problems, which require innovative policy approaches. One newly emergent policy strand is that of 'sustainable consumption'. This approach aims to reduce environmental degradation by encouraging all consumers to adopt more environmentally friendly modes of behaviour, especially those living in congested and environmentally degraded urban areas. Although a promising initiative, significant conceptual and practical problems exist with sustainable consumption's current policy framework. However, rather than abandon the idea completely, consumption should become central to researching environmental issues in Asia-Pacific cities. Here, a 'political ecology' approach frames all forms of consumption as revealing political, economic and cultural practices and modes of distributions that give rise to current unsustainable outcomes. Through in-depth examinations of current forms of consumption, this approach aims to offer a challenging perspective for future research into Asia-Pacific urban environmental problems.

Asia-Pacific cities are experiencing substantial environmental problems, which require innovative policy approaches. One newly emergent policy strand is that of 'sustainable consumption'. This approach aims to reduce environmental degradation by encouraging all consumers to adopt more environmentally friendly modes of behaviour, especially those living in congested and environmentally degraded urban areas. Although a promising initiative, significant conceptual and practical problems exist with sustainable consumption's current policy framework. However, rather than abandon the idea completely, consumption should become central to researching environmental issues in Asia-Pacific cities. Here, a 'political ecology' approach frames all forms of consumption as revealing political, economic and cultural practices and modes of distributions that give rise to current unsustainable outcomes. Through in-depth examinations of current forms of consumption, this approach aims to offer a challenging perspective for future research into Asia-Pacific urban environmental problems.

This paper is an exploration of genocide prosecutions since the inception of the term in 1944 by Raphael Lemkin, its legal definition by the United Nations in 1948, and the eventual establishing of the International Criminal Court in 1998. The paper is in three parts. The first part examines the history of genocide legislation, particularly the international legal frameworks established since Lemkin first devised the term in 1944. The second part details, for the first time, the extent of genocide prosecutions to date. To do so, it employs material from various international criminal tribunals, the International Criminal Court, national courts, and media accounts contemporary with the events. The final part illustrates the politics involved in genocide prosecutions, using a case study of the International Criminal Court's involvement in Africa and the failed extradition of Sudanese president Omar Al Bashir. The case study uses a range of secondary sources, including documents from the ICC, the African Union, National Governments, and other contemporary accounts. Overall, the paper argues that despite some successes in prosecuting genocide and the deterrent effects of international tribunals and courts, the international community has not yet been able to stop what Lemkin described over 70 years ago as "an old practice in its modern development".

This paper is an exploration of genocide prosecutions since the inception of the term in 1944 by Raphael Lemkin, its legal definition by the United Nations in 1948, and the eventual establishing of the International Criminal Court in 1998. The paper is in three parts. The first part examines the history of genocide legislation, particularly the international legal frameworks established since Lemkin first devised the term in 1944. The second part details, for the first time, the extent of genocide prosecutions to date. To do so, it employs material from various international criminal tribunals, the International Criminal Court, national courts, and media accounts contemporary with the events. The final part illustrates the politics involved in genocide prosecutions, using a case study of the International Criminal Court's involvement in Africa and the failed extradition of Sudanese president Omar Al Bashir. The case study uses a range of secondary sources, including documents from the ICC, the African Union, National Governments, and other contemporary accounts. Overall, the paper argues that despite some successes in prosecuting genocide and the deterrent effects of international tribunals and courts, the international community has not yet been able to stop what Lemkin described over 70 years ago as "an old practice in its modern development".

This paper is an exploration of genocide prosecutions since the inception of the term in 1944 by Raphael Lemkin, its legal definition by the United Nations in 1948, and the eventual establishing of the International Criminal Court in 1998. The paper is in three parts. The first part examines the history of genocide legislation, particularly the international legal frameworks established since Lemkin first devised the term in 1944. The second part details, for the first time, the extent of genocide prosecutions to date. To do so, it employs material from various international criminal tribunals, the International Criminal Court, national courts, and media accounts contemporary with the events. The final part illustrates the politics involved in genocide prosecutions, using a case study of the International Criminal Court's involvement in Africa and the failed extradition of Sudanese president Omar Al Bashir. The case study uses a range of secondary sources, including documents from the ICC, the African Union, National Governments, and other contemporary accounts. Overall, the paper argues that despite some successes in prosecuting genocide and the deterrent effects of international tribunals and courts, the international community has not yet been able to stop what Lemkin described over 70 years ago as "an old practice in its modern development".

This paper is an exploration of genocide prosecutions since the inception of the term in 1944 by Raphael Lemkin, its legal definition by the United Nations in 1948, and the eventual establishing of the International Criminal Court in 1998. The paper is in three parts. The first part examines the history of genocide legislation, particularly the international legal frameworks established since Lemkin first devised the term in 1944. The second part details, for the first time, the extent of genocide prosecutions to date. To do so, it employs material from various international criminal tribunals, the International Criminal Court, national courts, and media accounts contemporary with the events. The final part illustrates the politics involved in genocide prosecutions, using a case study of the International Criminal Court's involvement in Africa and the failed extradition of Sudanese president Omar Al Bashir. The case study uses a range of secondary sources, including documents from the ICC, the African Union, National Governments, and other contemporary accounts. Overall, the paper argues that despite some successes in prosecuting genocide and the deterrent effects of international tribunals and courts, the international community has not yet been able to stop what Lemkin described over 70 years ago as "an old practice in its modern development".

This paper is an exploration of genocide prosecutions since the inception of the term in 1944 by Raphael Lemkin, its legal definition by the United Nations in 1948, and the eventual establishing of the International Criminal Court in 1998. The paper is in three parts. The first part examines the history of genocide legislation, particularly the international legal frameworks established since Lemkin first devised the term in 1944. The second part details, for the first time, the extent of genocide prosecutions to date. To do so, it employs material from various international criminal tribunals, the International Criminal Court, national courts, and media accounts contemporary with the events. The final part illustrates the politics involved in genocide prosecutions, using a case study of the International Criminal Court's involvement in Africa and the failed extradition of Sudanese president Omar Al Bashir. The case study uses a range of secondary sources, including documents from the ICC, the African Union, National Governments, and other contemporary accounts. Overall, the paper argues that despite some successes in prosecuting genocide and the deterrent effects of international tribunals and courts, the international community has not yet been able to stop what Lemkin described over 70 years ago as "an old practice in its modern development".