Suchergebnisse

Settlement conditions the formation of modern queer subjects and politics in the United States. This essay newly interprets the settler formation of U.S. queer modernities by inspiration of Jasbir Puar's critique of homonationalism. Puar argues that homonationalism produces U.S. queers as regulatory over the racialized and sexualized populations targeted within the imperial biopolitics of the war on terror. I explain homonationalism as a quality of U.S. queer modernities having formed within a colonial biopolitics, in which the terrorizing sexual colonization of Native peoples produces modern sexuality as a function of settlement. This essay reinterprets historical accounts at the intersections of queer, Native, and colonial studies to show how a colonial biopolitics of modern sexuality relationally produces Native and settler sexual subjects. Modern queer projects enact this biopolitics when their normatively non-Native and settler form distances Native people from sexual modernity, even as they seek modern sexual freedoms in the settler state. Homonationalism arises here, as one effect of settlement's naturalization and defense in U.S. queer modernities, and as one means by which the continued colonization of Native peoples and land shapes the imperial projections of the United States and its subjects. Settler homonationalism may be destabilized by marking and challenging its historical formation and holding queer projects accountable to Native struggles for decolonization.

In my 2007 monograph Terrorist Assemblages: Homonationalism in Queer Times (hereafter TA), I develop the conceptual frame of "homonationalism" for understanding the complexities of how "acceptance" and "tolerance" for gay and lesbian subjects have become a barometer by which the right to and capacity for national sovereignty is evaluated. I had become increasingly frustrated with the standard refrain of transnational feminist discourse as well as queer theories that unequivocally stated, quite vociferously throughout the 1990s, that the nation is heteronormative and that the queer is inherently an outlaw to the nation-state. While the discourse of American exceptionalism has always served a vital role in U.S. nation-state formation, TA examines how sexuality has become a crucial formation in the articulation of proper U.S. citizens across other registers like gender, class, and race, both nationally and transnationally. In this sense, homonationalism is an analytic category deployed to understand and historicize how and why a nation's status as "gay-friendly" has become desirable in the first place. Like modernity, homonationalism can be resisted and re-signified, but not opted out of: we are all conditioned by it and through it.

L''homonationalisme' désigne l'inclusion de l'homosexualité dans le discours national produit notamment par les États-Unis dans leur « guerre contre le terrorisme », proclamant la supériorité sur les autres d'une civilisation qui aurait aboli toute oppression sexuelle — alors même que les homosexuel∙le∙s de ce pays continuent de souffrir de discriminations et d'une oppression directement liée à leur sexualité. Opposant les identités gay et musulmane, du même coup, ce discours fait de l'homosexualité une réalité blanche. L'article montre que ce type d'opposition et de création d'un sentiment d'exceptionnalité sexuelle (national et blanc) n'est pas l'apanage des seuls militaires et stratèges états-uniens, mais concerne aussi de nombreux milieux progressistes, associatifs et académiques, y compris féministes et queer .

Frontmatter -- contents -- foreword -- preface -- introduction -- 1. the sexuality of terrorism -- 2. abu ghraib and u.s. sexual exceptionalism -- 3. intimate control, infinite detention -- 4. ''the turban is not a hat'' -- conclusion -- postscript -- acknowledgments -- notes -- references -- index

This article explores the tensions and contradictions between the recognition of same-sex relationships and the development of legal prohibitions against discrimination on the one hand versus the ongoing symbolic and actual criminal regulation of gay sex on the other hand. I describe these tensions as they have unfolded over the last 40 years through the most recent attempts by the Liberal government of Justin Trudeau, elected in 2015, to reform the criminal law, to expunge the record of past criminal convictions for same-sex behavior, and to apologize and compensate lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer (LGBTQ) communities for past discrimination. I argue that this bifurcated pattern of public policy change and legal reform demonstrates the persistence of political homophobia alongside of homonationalist celebration of queer normativity. By considering the federal government's long-standing failure to reform criminal laws that encapsulate formal-legal inequality of LGBTQ people, the article highlights the persistence of homophobic public policy alongside homonationalist policy discourse and genuine progress in the legal recognition of queer rights. I conclude by considering the implications of this mix for theorizing homophobia and homonationalism in law and policy.

"This edited volume engages with a range of geographical, political and cultural contexts to intervene in ongoing scholarly discussions on the intersection of nationalism with gender, sexuality and race. The book maps and analyses the racially and sexually normativising power of homonationalist, femonationalist and ablenationalist dynamics and structures, three strands of research that have thus far remained separate. Scholars and practitioners from different geopolitical and academic contexts highlight research on the complexities of women's, LGBTQ+ communities' and dis/abled individuals' engagements with and subsumption within nationalist projects. Homonationalism, Femonationalism and Ablenationalism: Critical Pedagogies Contextualised offers added value for those researching and teaching on topics related to gender, sexuality, disability, (post)coloniality and nationalism and includes new pedagogical strategies for addressing such timely global phenomena. This dynamic interdisciplinary volume is ideal for those teaching gender studies, and for students and scholars in gender studies, international relations and sexuality studies"--

Can nativist attitudes condition support for LGBT+ rights? The sustained advance in pro-LGBT+ attitudes in the West often contrasts with the greening of anti-immigrant sentiment propagated by nativist supply-side actors. We argue that these parallel trends are causally connected, theorizing that exposure to sexually conservative ethnic out-groups can provoke an instrumental increase in LGBT+ inclusion, particularly among those hostile toward immigration. Leveraging experiments in Britain and Spain, we provide causal evidence that citizens strategically liberalize their levels of support for LGBT+ rights when opponents of these measures are from the ethnic out-group. In a context where sexuality-based liberalism is nationalized, increasing tolerance toward LGBT+ citizens is driven by a desire among nativist citizens to socially disidentify from those out-groups perceived as inimical to these nationalized norms. Our analyses provide a critical interpretation of positive trends in LGBT+ tolerance with instrumental liberalism masking lower rates of genuine shifts in LGBT+ inclusion.