Suchergebnisse

A basic problem of modern man is whether or not it is possible to give rational meaning & value to his existence in an age where there is no longer confidence that reason can establish objective truths. This problem takes on special signif where it is concerned with defining the nature of pol'al revolt. That is, if man, alone, is the sole creator of his values, does this imply the nihilist logic of violence & terrorism? This problem has been given signif expression in the writings of A. Camus, who starts from the human condition as an encounter with `absurdity', to characterize pol'al nihilism as a perverted deduction from the awareness of the absurd, & attempts finally to reconcile absurdist reasoning with the principle of human dignity &limited freedom. For Camus, rebellion as a demand for freedom against tyranny is a negation, but also an affirmation of the worth of the individual person, & therefore incompatible with nihilist ideology & revolutionary action. TPCA.

It is a commonplace observation that the world arena today exhibits a number of systems of public order, each demanding and embodying the values of human dignity in very different degree.

What is traditional for common crimes can scarcely be oppressive innovation for mass-murder. Even freedom of communication is not, furthermore, an absolute in democratic preference: security and human decency must likewise have their place. It is no little irony that argument must be made in support of a convention to suppress genocide. "The spectacle," writes a contemporary journal of opinion, "of modern man explaining his right to existence is an odd one." The Genocide Convention is but one of many interrelated measures in a world-wide program to secure peace and respect for the dignity of the individual human being. Rational appraisal of this Convention requires both a perspective of the centuries of man's long struggle for freedom and security by promulgating doctrine and balancing power and a realistic orientation in the contemporary interdependences of peoples everywhere in securing and maintaining a minimum of security and basic human rights. Even in a world where nations are feverishly inventing and creating new instruments for mass-murder of hither to unimaginable scope, it may still serve some purpose for peoples seeking survival to take this opportunity to restate their demand for fundamental human dignity, to reannounce their consensus on behalf of all mankind, and to recelebrate the identifications of all free peoples with each other. Unless this ideal is kept constantly at the focus of public attention there may be no fire in men's hearts to preserve it

Whereas, recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world,

L'abolition de la peine de mort et le problème de la peine de remplacement -- Criminology, Criminal Policy and Propaganda -- Anglo American Progress in Penitentiary Affairs -- Ahead of his Time -- Réflexions sur la détention préventive -- De la privation à la restriction de la liberté -- Jeunes adultes et courtes peines -- Society and the Treatment of Offenders -- Variations sur certaines formes nouvelles de privation de liberté -- Human Dignity in the Execution of Punishment -- The Problem of Remand in Custody for Diagnostic Purposes -- Mr. Prisoner goes to Town -- Analytical Penology -- Sir Lionel Fox's Work in the Prison Commission -- Lionel Fox and the International Penal and Penitentiary Commission -- Open Institutions in Finland -- La fonction rééducative de la peine et la libération conditionnelle -- Postface.

Africa's march to independence since WWII has caused extensive reorg of Dept of State diplomatic machinery to meet Africa's challenge. The US was fortunate, however, to have had a group of Foreign Service officers with particular interest in Africa who foresaw many of the changes that Africa's emergence would bring. This foresight has helped the US to develop a high degree of diplomatic rapport with the nations of Africa, which has been strengthened through the efforts of many individual US representatives. The basis for this rapport is found in a set of objectives & beliefs shared by Africans & Amer's alike, including the desire for freedom, independence, & human dignity, & a common interest in improving conditions of life. AA.

Africa's march to independence in the years since World War II has caused extensive reorganization of Depart ment of State diplomatic machinery to meet Africa's challenge. The United States was fortunate, however, to have had a group of Foreign Service officers with particular interest in Africa who foresaw many of the changes that Africa's emergence would bring. This foresight has helped the United States to de velop a high degree of diplomatic rapport with the nations of Africa, and rapport has been strengthened through the efforts of many individual American representatives. The basis on which rapport has been built is found in a set of objectives and beliefs shared by Africans and Americans alike. These objec tives and beliefs include a desire for freedom, independence, and human dignity and a common interest in improving con ditions of life.

After its failure to penetrate western Europe after World War II, communism looked to the East. Like other developing areas, the countries of the Far East have many and diverse needs. Capital investment is essential; their economies are so poor that it is difficult for them to save. One advantage the Communists have is that they can enforce savings by keeping down consumption and using capital for industrial development. At the same time, Asians demand a better and fuller life. The task for the United States and the West is to show that our system of freedom not only provides for human dignity but also for food, housing, education, and other fruits of the twentieth century. Motivated, perhaps, by their own failures compared with the successes of the free coun tries in the Far East, the Communists have been on the march, especially in Southeast Asia. The United States can do much to assist freedom and prosperity in the Far East through liberal trade policies and by helping the people of the free countries to resist Communist aggression and, at the same time, to improve their living conditions. The Communist force is a reactionary one, denying the right of independence of thought, the dignity of the individual, values men have considered worth struggling for through the generations. The United States does not in tend to leave an open road for despotism. In this dangerous and exciting period, the American people must develop stamina to stay with the struggle as long as necessary to achieve the objectives of freedom throughout the world.—Ed.

In the fifteen years since World War II, the international community has seen marked progress in prolong ing life, providing education for children, and in increasing the world food supply. Progress in the struggle against pov erty and bad housing is much less notable, and the achieve ments in lessening social tensions, in increasing human dignity, and other qualitative aspects of the standard of living are not measurable by the rough indicators we have at our disposal. The attempt to reach a new synthesis in the economic and social aspects of the development of less-developed countries, the widespread approval of governmental planning for social as well as economic development, the growth of public respon sibility for welfare of the total population, and the attention given to rural as well as urban development are cited as impor tant postwar developments in the philosophy and methods of international co-operation. The concern about extending as sistance in ways which stimulate active participation of the people is a hopeful response to the world social situation. Fi nally, the importance of basing assistance on mutual respect— with every country acting both as donor and recipient—is stressed in this co-operation.