Suchergebnisse

Cover -- Quartino -- Dedication -- Table of contents -- List of abbreviations -- Introduction -- Part I - Defining state secrecy -- Chapter 1 - State secrecy in domestic legal systems -- Chapter 2 - State secrecy in the international legal system -- Part II - State secrecy and the international protection of human rights -- Chapter 3 - State secrecy and treaty monitoring bodies'practice -- Chapter 4 - State secrecy beyond treaties: towards a customary norm prohibiting recourse to state secrecy to conceal gross human rights violations? -- Part III - Theoretical and practical issues arising from the horizoantal and vertical interaction among norms and legal orders -- Chapter 5 - From state to international organisation secrecy -- Chapter VI - To disclose or not to disclose state secrets? The dilemmas of interstate cooperation in the field of intelligence, diplomacy, and mutual legal assistence -- General conclusions -- Bibliography -- Printed by.

The essay focuses on the dialogue between Parliaments and Courts with a particular interest on the role that representative assemblies can play in protecting human rights in relation with the Courts' activity. Due to their democratic legitimacy, parliaments fulfill a particularly relevant function in protecting and promoting human rights, and they should fulfill it more and more. Hence, the importance in each legal system to define efficient mechanism of parliamentary control on human rights in the light of jurisprudence of the Courts and in particular of the Court of Strasburg. Among the most significant experiences, the English experience and the role played by the Joint Committee on Human Rights in the light of the Human Rights Act 1998 are analyzed.

This article addresses the right to conscientious objection as a general constitutional right. Such a right is not different from the right to freedom of conscience, which corresponds to its foundation and justification. In the case of the right to conscientious objection, the reference to its constitutionality represents its source of legitimacy, but also limits its source of legitimacy, but also limits its exercise. These restrictions depend on the respect for other constitutional values and on the reasonability of the discrepancy between personal values and duties imposed by law. The right to conscientious objection does not necessarily have to be recognized by a legislator; it may well be acknowledged by judges. The latter seems the most appropriate context because the right to conscientious objection is to privacy against public power, even when respecting constitutional values. ; El artículo hace referencia al derecho de objeción de conciencia como un derecho constitucional general. Tal derecho no difiere del derecho a la libertad de conciencia que constituye su .fundamento y justificación. En el caso del derecho a la objeción de conciencia, la referencia a la Constitución representa su fuente de legitimidad, pero también un límite a su ejercicio. Estas restricciones dependen del respeto a otros valores constitucionales y de la razonabilidad de la entre los valores personales y los deberes impuestos por la ley. No necesariamente el derecho a la objeción de conciencia tiene que ser reconocido por el legislador; puede muy bien ser acogido por los jueces. Esto último parece lo más apropiado puesto que la razón del derecho a la objeción de conciencia es un defender la privacidad contra el poder público incluso en relación con valores constitucionales.

Preliminary Material /H.-C. Günther and A.A. Robiglio -- Introduction /H.-C. Günther -- Chapter I. Haben die Wörter "人 (ren, Mensch)\' in der Frühlings- und Herbstzeit/im Zeitalter der Kämpfenden Reiche (770–221 volumes Chr) sowie "homme\' im neuzeitlichen und modernen Französischen stets die umfassende Bedeutung "Mensch" im Sinne der Universalen Erklärung der Menschenrechte vom 10. Dezember 1948? /Harro von Senger -- Chapter II. Der Mensch Zwischen Selbsterkenntnis und Erkenntnis des Selbst in buddhistisch-christlicher Perspektive /Michael Fuss -- Chapter III. Gottesebenbildlichkeit und Gottesstellvertreterschaft in islamischen Menschenrechtsbegründungen /L. Richter-Bernburg -- Chapter IV. Das stoische Gesetz der Natur und seine Rezeption bei Cicero /Robert Bees -- Chapter V. La donna romana, fra vita reale e letteratura /Paolo Fedeli -- Chapter VI. Enea e Turno: il duello finale /Paolo Fedeli -- Chapter VII. Das Leiden der Liebe: Zur Unveränderlichkeit und Leidensfähigkeit des christlichen Gottes /Markus Enders -- Chapter VIII. Humanization In Late Antique And Byzantine Philosophy /Dominic J. O' Meara -- Chapter IX. Individual Rights And Common Good: Henry Of Ghent And The Scholastic Origins Of Human Rights /Pasquale Porro -- Chapter X. Aristotelian \'Scientia\' And The Medieval \'Artes\' /Charles Lohr -- Chapter XI. Nicholas Of Cusa And The Anthropology Of Peace /Paul Richard Blum -- Chapter XII. Giordano Bruno's Criticism Of Globalization /Elisabeth Blum -- Chapter XIII. La dignité de l'homme chez Dante: une question preliminaire /Andrea A. Robiglio -- Chapter XIV. Figuren des Menschen bei Dante: Ulisse /Ruedi Imbach -- Chapter XV. Dante's Commedia And Goethe's Faust. Similarities And Differences /Vittorio Hösle -- Chapter XVI. A Jesuit Comedy On The Morality Of Soldiers /Paul Richard Blum -- Chapter XVII. Kunst und Technik Bei Martin Heidegger /Friedrich-Wilhelm von Herrmann -- Chapter XVIII. Martin Heideggers Auslegung des Menschen als Zoon logon echon bei Aristoteles /Bodgan Minca -- Chapter XIX. Sein Zum Tode: Tolstoj Versus Heidegger /Tatiana Shchyttsova -- Chapter XX. Europe Between Agony And Hope: Christianity, History And Violence In María Zambrano /Giusi Strummiello -- Chapter XXI. Intergeneratives oder gemeinschaftliches Leben? Eine radikalphänomenologische Skizze /Rolf Kühn -- Chapter XXII. Brain-Computer-Interface (BCI) In Paralysis /Niels Birbaumer , Ander Ramos Murguialday , Moritz Wildgruber and Leonardo G. Cohen -- Chapter XXIII. Intelligent Technical Systems: Can They Surpass Human Skills? /Dieter Roller -- List Of Contributors /H.-C. Günther and A.A. Robiglio -- Index /H.-C. Günther and A.A. Robiglio.

Cover -- Occhiello -- Dedica -- Table of Contents -- Foreword -- Table of Abbreviations -- Table of Cases -- 1. Introduction to the Human Right to Life -- 2. The Reach of the ECtHR's Jurisdiction -- 3. The Obligation to Protect 'Everyone's Right to Life' by Law -- 4. Death Penalty: From Permission to Prohibition -- 5. Permitted Uses of Lethal Force -- Appendices -- Select Bibliography.

URL del artículo en la web de la Revista: https://www.upo.es/revistas/index.php/lex_social/article/view/3483 ; Il testo, contributo a un convegno organizzato da Massimo La Torre a Catanzaro nel giugno 2017 propone un minimo di idealismo per il futuro dei diritti umani sociali nell¿UE. Si parte dai rischi di esauribilità di tolleranza e solidarietà che minacciano l¿universalità dei diritti. Per affrontare le sfide opposte del fondamentalismo e del nichilismo dei diritti, occorre prendere sul serio il dovere di mitezza come precondizione morale dei principi e valori fondamentali della costituzione dai quali derivano gli altri doveri costituzionali. La lunga storia costituzionale di tolleranza e solidarietà non finisce oggi. Il graduabile dovere di solidarietà offre garanzie multilevel alla sostenibilità dei diritti. In particolare, il nuovo Pilastro Europeo dei Diritti Sociali offre un¿opportunità di rafforzamento della solidarietà sociale europea che potrebbe essere necessario per il consolidamento del Fiscal compact. Un minimo di ottimismo porta a concludere che i diritti umani non possono non essere anche diritti sociali e che i diritti sociali non possono non essere anche diritti umani ; The paper, contribution to a congress organized by Massimo La Torre in Catanzaro in June 2017, proposes a minimum of idealism for the future of social human rights within the EU. Starting point is that risks of exhausted tolerance and solidarity seem to undermine the universality of human rights as a basis of the European fundamental rights discourse. Fundamentalism and nihilism need to be faced by taking more seriously the duty of meekness as a moral precondition of the fundamental principles and values of the constitution that imply other constitutional duties. The long constitutional history of tolerance and solidarity is not yet finished. The gradual duty of solidarity grants multilevel guarantees to the sustainability of the social human rights. The new Social Rights Pillar of the EU could offer an opportunity for strengthening European social solidarity that could be necessary and required for the consolidation of the Fiscal compact. A minimum of optimism brings to the conclusion that human rights need to be also social rights and social rights need to be also human rights. ; Universidad Pablo de Olavide

While dealing with the current migration challenges, the European Union is revealing the overall weakness of its institutional and political architecture, consequently failing to give practical implementation to all those fundamental rights, contained in several widely shared international and regional legal instruments, on which its own legitimacy and credibility as human rights protector are based. Instead of putting its common values and policies in practice through the elaboration of a coherent supranational strategy, the Union is diverting its action to a deal-making approach grounded on the collaboration with third countries or origin or transit, apparently directed to the externalization of its responsibilities in migration and asylum field. This approach risks however to undermine the protection of asylum seekers' rights and interests. The most indicative example of this tendency is given by the Statement that on 18 March 2016 the EU Heads of State or Government negotiated with the Turkish counterpart in order to manage the increasing influx of asylum seekers and irregular migrants coming mainly from the Middle East's States and reaching the Greek islands via Turkey, that masks, with the pretext of preventing the smuggling routes, a greater desire to halt the entries in the EU territory through a stronger control of borders and a semi-automatic return mechanism. This research is aimed in the first place at clarifying the legal nature of the Statement and more specifically whether it has to be considered or not as a binding deal and if yes who is/are the subject/s responsible for its enactment on the EU side. In the second place, the objective is that of putting in evidence the possible violations of human rights and European Migration Law that the execution of the commitments agreed would entail, the inherent deficiencies of the Greek asylum system and the necessity for the EU to develop a common strategy for migration management which is effectively compliant with its own rules and values. Moreover, the Statement is analysed in the light of the new proposed reform of the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) and in particular of the Asylum Procedures Directive (APD), that risks further jeopardise asylum seekers' guarantees through a massive application of the 'safe third country' and 'first country of asylum' concepts. This unavoidably leads to question whether Turkey, beyond the efforts made in the alignment of its domestic legislation to the EU acquis, can be considered in practice as a 'safe country' in accordance with the EU standards, to where Syrians and migrants of other nationalities can be returned without incurring in the violation of their fundamental rights, such as the non-refoulement principle and the prohibition of torture and inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. In view of this current challenge, the EU should reflect on its role as a key unitary player on the international stage and build an alternative model of solidarity among Member States, which is fairer, more efficient and does not weaken asylum seekers' safeguard. Furthermore, also when acting on the external dimension the Union should endorse a strategy that is consistent with the principles and objectives affirmed by its primary Law, which should inspire not only Member States' policies at the internal level, but also the cooperation with third parties, ensuring a full respect of migrants' human rights.

This article is in some respects provoking. It starts using a quotation from the famous Kundera s book on Immortality as a peg to hang a discussion on the transformation of individual whishes into rights and on the fragmentation sustained by human rights after the cultural revolution of 1968. It was in that period that the evolution of modern legal and political thought (deeply rooted in gnosticism) reached its climax, after developing through Scolastic rationalism in the 14th century and the modern doctrines of natural law (together with the scientific revolution) in the 16th. Between the 18th and the 19th century the human rights went through an age of abstractness (the Enlightment and the Déclaration in 1789) and then of socialization, until their ultimate denial as "individual" rights in the 20th century, dominated by totalitarian nationalism and communism (both anti-individualistic). After the Nuremberg Trial and the rising crisis of legal positivism, the human rights have been submitted to a process of constitutionalization and internationalization (see UN Universal Declaration) which, however, have not been able to cast light on their pre-normative (i.e. metaphysical) nature. In such a way human rights remain under control of a single power (either from a nation state or from some supranational community) instead of being founded on what is essentially human. It is the individualistic nature of modern human rights, strenghtened by secularization in the post-modern age, that prevents the durable foundation of human rights from being revealed, leaving them to the fragmentation of individual wishes- as written in Kundera 's book. Only a deep rethink of the (gnostic) process which has led mankind to modernity could allow us to save the notion of "human right", bringing it from the pluralistic fragmentation to the essence of the law.

Riconosciuto il problema dell'accesso ai farmaci come un problema di giustizia globale, la dissertazione, da un lato, è incentrata sullo studio dei diritti umani e sul diritto alla salute da una prospettiva giusfilosofica e, dall'altro, è finalizzata ad analizzare la disciplina brevettuale internazionale, sia approfondendo gli interessi realmente in gioco, sia studiando la struttura economica del brevetto stesso. Si è cercato quindi di guardare a tali interessi da una nuova prospettiva, ipotizzando una gerarchia di valori che sia completa e coerente con gli obiettivi che la dottrina, la giurisprudenza, nonché il diritto internazionale formalmente enunciano. Il progetto di ricerca vuole, in definitiva, arrivare a proporre nuove soluzioni giuridiche al problema dell'accesso ai farmaci. La dissertazione svolge pertanto uno studio critico della proposta di Thomas Pogge, di natura politica e giuridica e sorretta da istanze filosofiche, volta alla soluzione del problema dell'accesso ai farmaci, i.e. l'Health Impact Fund (HIF). Proposta che pone radicalmente in discussione, anche concretamente, il dogma del monopolio concesso con la privativa quale ricompensa per i costi di R&D sostenuti dai titolari dei brevetti e che pone, invece, l'accento sull'effettivo impatto sulla salute globale di ogni singola invenzione. Analizzandone approfonditamente gli aspetti più rilevanti, si passano poi in rassegna, criticamente, le proposte, alternative o di riforma, del sistema di proprietà intellettuale, volte al miglioramento dell'accesso ai farmaci; a tal proposito, si propone quindi una riforma transitoria della disciplina brevettuale, c.d. Trading Time for Space (TTS), che prevede un allungamento temporale dell'esclusiva brevettuale (Time) in cambio della vendita da parte del titolare della privativa del farmaco ad un prezzo accessibile nei Paesi in via di sviluppo (Space). ; Considering the problem of access to drugs as a global justice problem, the dissertation, on the one hand, focuses on human rights and, namely, on the right to health from a legal and philosophical perspective and, on the other hand, aims at analyzing the international patent system, investigating the interests actually at stake and assessing the economic structure of patents. The dissertation looks at such interests from a new perspective, consistent with the objectives that scholars, case law and international law formally declare. The dissertation will, eventually, propose new solutions to the problem of access to medicines. The dissertation therefore offers a critical study of the proposal by Thomas Pogge, which has political, legal and philosophic grounds aiming at the solution of the access to drugs problem. The Health Impact Fund (HIF) gives a radical challenge, even in practice, to the dogma of the monopoly granted as a reward for R&D costs, incurred by patent holders, by giving instead emphasis on the effective impact on global health by each invention. By analyzing in detail their main aspects, the dissertation then critically describes other recent proposals for the reform of the intellectual property system, in order to improve access to drugs. In this regard, a transitional reform of the patent system, the so-called Trading Time for Space (TTS), is proposed, proposing an extension of the patent exclusivity (Time) in exchange for the sale by the holder of the patent at an affordable price in developing countries (Space).

Il saggio indaga le connessioni tra l'abolizione della prostituzione legalizzata e i processi di democratizzazione in Germania e Italia, a partire dalla storia dei diritti umani nella sua interazione con il sistema politico. Le fonti principali sono i dibattiti parlamentari e le leggi che portarono alla chiusura dei bordelli e all'abolizione del sistema di sorveglianza nel 1927 in Germania e nel 1958 in Italia. I dibattiti sulla prostituzione pongono anche la questione dell'uguaglianza e della giustizia di genere. In particolare, il problema della regolamentazione della prostituzione, la cui efficienza viene verificata da un numero sempre maggiore di ricercatori nel corso del XX secolo, dispiega fattori di politica sanitaria, di diritti umani e di morale, aspetti di politica sociale e di sicurezza, mettendo in discussione non solo la gerarchia tra i generi, ma anche quella tra gli strati sociali. ; The essay explores the connections between the abolition of legalized prostitution and the processes of democratization in Germany and Italy, starting from the history of human rights and its interaction with the political system. The main sources are the parliamentary debates and the laws that brought about the closedown of brothels and the abolition of the surveillance system in Germany in 1927 and in Italy in 1958. The debates on prostitution also pose a question of equality and gender justice. In particular, the problem of the regulation of prostitution, whose efficiency has been verified by an ever growing number of researchers during the XX century, deploys factors of sanitary policy, human rights and morals, aspects of social policy and security, questioning not only the gender hierarchy, but also the social one.

La presente tesi ha ad oggetto il tema dei canali regolari e sicuri di accesso al territorio dell'Unione Europea per migranti e richiedenti asilo. L'obiettivo è valutare se e in che misura l'Unione Europea si stia conformando ai principi di diritto internazionale dei rifugiati e dei diritti umani, e agli standard di governance delle migrazioni che si vanno affermando a livello globale, in particolare in seguito all'adozione della Dichiarazione di New York su migranti e rifugiati e dei due rispettivi Global Compact. La prima parte prende in esame la graduale affermazione di regole di condotta e obiettivi comuni di governance migratoria, derivanti dall'interazione fra strumenti giuridici e strumenti di policy, tanto a livello globale, quanto a livello regionale. La seconda parte mira a ricostruire il quadro dei canali regolari di ingresso esistenti, con l'obiettivo di valutare se l'Unione Europea sia effettivamente capace di veicolare prassi virtuose in questo settore, consentendo l'ammissione e l'integrazione sul proprio territorio di migranti e richiedenti asilo in una prospettiva di lungo periodo. In quest'ottica viene presa in considerazione anche la dimensione esterna della politica migratoria, al fine di capire se nella cooperazione con i paesi terzi di origine e transito dei flussi l'Unione e i suoi stati membri perseguano una mera esternalizzazione delle frontiere – e dunque delle responsabilità – ad ogni costo, o se, al contrario, tale politica sia accompagnata dalla volontà di incentivare l'effettiva apertura di canali regolari e sicuri di ingresso. The present research addresses the issue of safe and regular access to the territory of the European Union, with the aim to evaluate whether and to what extent such regional organization adheres to the principles of international refugee and human rights law and to the standards on migration governance emerging at global level, in particular with the adoption of the New York Declaration for Refugees and Migrants and of the two UN Global Compacts. The first part focuses on the gradual affirmation of common rules of conduct and goals governing migration management, as a result of the adoption and interaction of legal and policy instruments, both at regional and international level. The second part aims to reconstruct the existing framework of legal channels for the admission and stay of third-country nationals on the territory of the European Union, with the aim to evaluate whether the European Union is effectively able to foster best practices at regional level in this area, enabling the admission and integration on a long-term basis of migrants and asylum seekers. In this view it is also evaluated whether in the cooperation with third countries the EU and its Member States merely pursue the externalization of migration control and responsibilities at any cost, or whether their external policy is also aimed to incentivize the effective opening of regular migration routes.

Genital modifications are rites of institution related to gender binarism. The article elucidates how only some of them came to be depicted as "traditional", irrational, backward, and harmful by the humanitarian morality, which, after having associated them to "non-therapeutic" reasons, labelled them as "Female Genital Mutilation". The authors illustrate the problematical aspects of this globalised order of discourse on FGM, by articulating theories on humanitarian reason, gendered subjection and vernacularization. Thanks to the ethnography, the essay highlights that critical political anthropology is needed in order to stop concealing the multiple subjectivities who are implicated in this issue. ; Le modificazioni dei genitali sono riti di istituzione che partecipano al binarismo di genere. L'articolo ricostruisce come solo alcune di queste, connotate come "tradizionali", irrazionali, primitive e dannose, per il loro carattere "non terapeutico", siano state definite dalla morale umanitaria Mutilazioni Genitali Femminili/MGF. Le autrici evidenziano le criticità dell'ordine del discorso globale sulle MGF, intersecando le teorie della ragione umanitaria, dell'assoggettamento di genere e della vernacolarizzazione. Grazie all'etnografia, si evidenzia quindi l'importanza di un'antropologia critica del politico che non invisibilizzi le multipli soggettività coinvolte.

The author explores the nature and foundation of human rights through the analysis of po-litical conceptions, which focus on the rule playing by human rights on political authority actions, and naturalists (or orthodox) conceptions, which consider human rights those rights that each human has simply in virtue of his humanity.

This paper gives the outline of an argument for the viability and desirability of an antifoundationalist approach to human rights and liberalism. The conception of normativity which frames my argument stands on the intuition, central in the second Wittgenstein and in the American pragmatist tradition, that accepting the ultimate circularity of our justifications does not condemn us to the corrosive consequences of radical scepticism. The conception of liberalism I prospect is centred on the deliberative democratic ideal that the best way to live with difference and conflict is to subordinate decisions of collective interests to public deliberation, which equally respects everybody's freedom and dignity, and maintains its outcomes and principles open to revision. I will argue that an anti-foundationalist conception of normativity is the most suitable for the fuller realisation of this deliberative democratic ideal, and that a society inspired by this ideal creates the most favourable conditions for the fuller flourishing of human potentialities in any area of life. I will also point out that a volitional and discursive conception of normativity enables us to focus our efforts on the concrete political and moral obstacles to the creation of a free and equal society, thus enabling us to release the tensions between the universalistic claims of human rights and democracy and the particularistic claims of recognition raised by different cultural groups.