Suchergebnisse

Preliminary Material /Asbjørn Eide , Jakob Th. Möller and Ineta Ziemele -- The Right to Peace Milestones in the Development of International Humanitarian Law /Daniel Thürer -- Post-War American International Law Scepticism: The International Criminal Court, Stockholm 1924 /Mark Weston Janis -- Peace as a Human Right: The Jus Cogens Prohibition of Aggression /Alfred de Zayas -- The Human Right to Peace /William A. Schabas -- Security and Human Rights in the Regulation of Private Military Companies: The Role of the Home State /Francesco Francioni -- The United Nations and Human Rights What Makes Democracy Good? /Lyal S. Sunga -- Is the United Nations Human Rights Council Living Up to the International Community's Expectations? /Markus G. Schmidt -- The UN Human Rights Council: The Perennial Struggle between Realism and Idealism /Bertrand G. Ramcharan -- Eight UN Petitions Procedures: A Comparative Analysis /Jakob Th. Möller -- The Legal Status of Views Adopted by the Human Rights Committee – From Genesis to Adoption of General Comment No. 33 /Geir Ulfstein -- Winter Break 2010: A Week in the Life of a Special Rapporteur /Martin Scheinin -- Legal and Judicial Shortcomings of the Surrogate State of "UNMIKISTAN" /Margrét Heinreksdóttir -- The Right to Inclusive Education for Children with Disabilities – Innovations in the CRPD /Arnardóttir Arnardóttir -- Human Rights at the Regional Level The Council of Europe: A Champion in Monitoring Implementation of Human Rights Standards? /Petter F. Wille -- Flexibilising the Modes of Amending the European Convention on Human Rights: An Idea for a 'Statute' for the European Court /Krzysztof Drzewicki -- Strengthening of the Principle of Subsidiarity of the European Convention on Human Rights /Björg Thorarensen -- Presumption of Convention Compliance /Davíð Þór Björgvinsson -- The Right to Adequate Judicial Reasoning /Ragnar Aðalsteinsson -- Dialogue Between States and International Human Rights Monitoring Organs – Especially the European Commission Against Racism and Intolerance /Lauri Hannikainen -- How Old Are You? Age Discrimination and EU Law /Allan Rosas -- NHRIs in the European Union: Status Quo Vadis? /Morten Kjærum and Jonas Grimheden -- Selected Examples of the Contemporary Practice of the Inter-American System in Confronting Grave Violations of Human Rights: United States and Colombia /Diego Rodríguez-Pinzón -- Indigenous Peoples and Minorities Prevention of Discrimination, Protection of Minorities, and the Rights of Indigenous Peoples: Challenges and Choices /Asbjørn Eide -- Minority Protection in the African System of Human Rights /Michelo Hansungule -- Indigenous Peoples on the International Scene: A Personal Reminiscence /Lee Swepston -- Indigenous Peoples and the Right to Development /Rainer Hofmann and Juri Alistair Gauthier -- Principal Problems Regarding Indigenous Land Rights and Recent Endeavours to Resolve Them /Erica-Irene A. Daes -- Traditional Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples: Preserve or Protect? – That's the Question! /Mpazi Sinjela -- Redefining Sovereignty and Self-Determination through a Declaration of Sovereignty: The Inuit Way of Defining the Parameters for Future Arctic Governance /Timo Koivurova.

Como respuesta al conflicto armado que se ha desarrollado en Libia a lo largo de 2011, la UE ha ejecutado las sanciones decididas por el Consejo de Seguridad que no implican el uso de la fuerza, ha destinado más de 150 millones de euros de ayuda humanitaria a la región, ha puesto en marcha la operación FRONTEX "EPN Hermes Extensión 2011", y ha proyectado una operación militar de apoyo a la asistencia humanitaria, la EUFOR Libia, que nunca se ha desplegado. En una perspectiva más general, las revueltas populares que se han sucedido en varios Estados del sur del Mediterráneo, entre ellos Libia, en el que se ha desembocado en una guerra civil, han certificado el fracaso de la política exterior de la UE en esta región. En efecto, durante la última década la política euromediterránea de la UE ha estado mucho más centrada en la cooperación económica y comercial —sobre todo en el campo energético— y en el control de la inmigración irregular, que en el escrupuloso respeto del ordenamiento internacional y la promoción de la democracia, el Estado de derecho y el respecto de los derechos humanos, así como el desarrollo económico y social de la población de los Estados del sur del Mediterráneo. ; As a response to the armed conflict occurred in Libya during year 2011, the EU has applied those Security Council sanctions not involving the use of force. Likewise, the EU has allocated more than E 150 million to humanitarian assistance in the region having implemented Frontex Operation «EPN Hermes Extension 2011» as well and having designed a military operation in support of humanitarian assistance there —the so-called EUFOR Libya, never deployed before. From a more general perspective, people's uprisings in several Southern Mediterranean States —which in the Libyan case has led to a civil war— have proved the failure of EU's foreign policy in the region. In fact, EU's Euro-Mediterranean Policy in the last decade has been mainly focused on financial and trade cooperation (especially in the energy field) and on irregular migration control, to the detriment of the full respect for International Law, and the promotion of democracy, the rule of Law and the respect for human rights, and the economic and social development of the peoples in Southern Mediterranean States. ; Trabajo elaborado en el marco del proyecto de investigación coordinado, concedido por el Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación, "La Política Mediterránea de la Unión Europea en perspectiva: el proceso de Barcelona, la Unión para el Mediterráneo y los intereses españoles" (DER2009-14238-C02-01).

Les droits culturels permettent de comprendre, de façon théorique et pratique, la place fondamentale des facteurs culturels pour un développement libre et équilibré. Un tel développement ne peut que se fonder sur ce qui devrait être considéré comme ses premières ressources: les ressources culturelles, humaines et non humaines. Les droits culturels garantissent l'accès des personnes, des groupes et des communautés à la diversité des savoirs qui sont nécessaires pour utiliser, développer, créer les capacités de développement personnel et social. Pas de développement social sans une culture des liens ; pas de développement économique sans une culture adaptée des choix et des échanges ; pas de développement écologique sans un accroissement des savoirs sur les écosystèmes. Les facteurs culturels ne viennent pas après comme un quatrième pilier, ils sont les facteurs et les leviers fondamentaux, transversaux et permanents de tout développement fondé sur les capacités des personnes et de leurs écosystèmes culturels. Ils sont comme une grammaire de tout développement démocratique, dans la mesure où leur réalisation permet de garantir que le choix des objectifs et des moyens est issu d'un débat largement participatif et instruit, de façon à repérer et favoriser les meilleures connexions entre les ressources, et donc aussi la meilleure économie. Des indicateurs de connexions adéquates apparaissent alors comme des outils très pertinents d'évaluation. ; Los derechos culturales permiten entender, de manera tanto teórica como práctica, el lugar fundamental de los factores culturales para un desarrollo libre y equilibrado. Dicho desarrollo sólo puede basarse en lo que se deberían considerar sus primeros recursos: los recursos culturales humanos y no humanos. Los derechos culturales garantizan el acceso de las personas, de los grupos y de las comunidades a la diversidad de conocimientos necesarios para utilizar, desarrollar y crear las capacidades de desarrollo personal y social. No hay desarrollo social sin una cultura de conexiones; no hay desarrollo económico sin una cultura adaptada a los cambios y a los intercambios; no hay desarrollo ecológico sin una expansión del saber sobre los ecosistemas. Los factores culturales no son un cuarto pilar, son factores y engranajes fundamentales, transversales y permanentes de todo desarrollo cimentado sobre las capacidades de las personas y de sus ecosistemas culturales. Son como una gramática de todo desarrollo democrático en la medida en que su realización permite garantizar que la elección de objetivos y medios ha surgido de un debate ampliamente participativo e instruido para percibir y favorecer las mejores conexiones entre los recursos y, por tanto, también la mejor economía. Los indicadores de conexiones adecuadas, en consecuencia, resultan ser herramientas muy pertinentes de evaluación. ; Els drets culturals permeten entendre, de manera tant teòrica com pràctica, el lloc fonamental dels factors culturals per a un desenvolupament lliure i equilibrat. El dit desenvolupament només pot basar-se en el que s'haurien de considerar els seus primers recursos: els recursos culturals humans i no humans. Els drets culturals garanteixen l'accés de les persones, dels grups i de les comunitats a la diversitat de coneixements necessaris per a utilitzar, desenvolupar i crear les capacitats de desenvolupament personal i social. No hi ha desenvolupament social sense una cultura de connexions; no hi ha desenvolupament econòmic sense una cultura adaptada als canvis i als intercanvis; no hi ha desenvolupament ecològic sense una expansió del saber sobre els ecosistemes. Els factors culturals no són un quart pilar, són factors i engranatges fonamentals, transversals i permanents de tot desenvolupament fonamentat sobre les capacitats de les persones i dels seus ecosistemes culturals. Són com una gramàtica de tot desenvolupament democràtic en la mesura que la seua realització permet garantir que l'elecció d'objectius i mitjans ha sorgit d'un debat àmpliament participatiu i instruït per a percebre i afavorir les millors connexions entre els recursos i, per tant, també la millor economia. Els indicadors de connexions adequades, en conseqüència, resulten ser eines molt pertinents d'avaluació. ; Cultural rights enable us to understand, both theoretically and practically, the fundamental role of cultural factors for free and balanced development. Such development can only be based on what should be regarded as primary resources: human and non-human cultural resources. Cultural rights guarantee individuals, groups and communities access to the diversity of knowledge necessary to use, develop and create the capacities for personal and social development. There can be no social development without a culture of connections; no economic development without a culture adapted to changes and exchanges; no ecological development without the spread of knowledge about our ecosystems. Cultural factors are not a fourth pillar; they are fundamental, transversal and permanent factors and mechanisms for all development grounded on the capacities of people and their cultural ecosystems. They are like the grammar for all democratic development in the way their implementation guarantees that the choice of objectives and means has come out of a broad participative and informed debate to perceive and foster the optimum connections among resources and, therefore, also the optimum economy. Indicators of suitable connections are, in consequence, highly pertinent evaluation tools.

El present article és un informe que recull l'estat de les presons i la situació legal a Mèxic i que apunta possibles millores a implementar en aquest àmbit. Per abordar el tema penitenciari a Mèxic, s'inicia l'informe puntualitzant la normativitat específica amb la qual es compta, assenyalant tres articles fonamentals de la Constitució Política dels Estats Units Mexicans i l'existència de la Llei Nacional d'Execució Penal, que actualment impacta en tota la República Mexicana. ; This article presents an overview of the state of the prisons and the legal situation in Mexico and suggests a number of possible improvements that might be implemented in this area. In addressing the issue of the prison system in Mexico, the report begins by outlining the specific regulations currently in force, detailing three fundamental articles of the Political Constitution of the United Mexican States and the existence of the National Law of Criminal Enforcement, which applies throughout the Mexican Republic. ; El presente artículo es un informe que recoge el estado de las cárceles y la situación legal en México y que apunta posibles mejoras a implementar en este ámbito. Para abordar el tema penitenciario en México, se inicia el informe puntualizando la normatividad específica con la que se cuenta, señalando tres artículos fundamentales de la Constitución Política de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos y la existencia de la Ley Nacional de Ejecución Penal, que actualmente impacta en toda la República Mexicana

El ensayo examina tres aspectos de la decapitación de Luis XVI para demostrar como ésta simbolizó una transformación del principio de legitimidad política, a la vez que impactó en el desarrollo de las concepciones modernas de justicia formal y justicia sustantiva. La decapitación es considerada una metáfora de la transferencia de soberanía del rey a la ciudadanía, y es analizada poniendo énfasis en los discursos convencionales de Saint Just y Condorcet, y sus distintas concepciones de legalidad y legitimidad. Estas dos líneas de pensamiento son posteriormente analizadas como el fundamento de dos de las tendencias surgidas de la Revolución Francesa: los derechos humanos y el totalitarismo en sus versiones modernas. ; Th is essay examines three aspects of the beheading of king Louis XVI to show how it symbolized the transformation of the legitimacy principle of the body politic, and the development of modern formal and substantive justice. Th e beheading is seen as a metaphor of the transference of sovereignty from the king to the people. Louis Capet's is analyzed focusing on the speeches of Saint Just and Condorcet, and their opposing conceptions of legality and legitimacy. Th ese two threads are considered as fundamentals of two of the trends developed as part of the legacy of the French Revolution: the modern approach to human rights and totalitarianism.

Els darrers anys molts professionals han centrat el seu interès en la lluita pel dret de totes les persones, independentment de la seva condició, a rebre atenció sanitària, conscients que entre els col·lectius amb més risc de desatenció es troben els "sense papers". Les lleis restrictives actuals transmeten la idea que els migrants irregulars són els principals responsables de la seva precària situació, i permetre'ls l'accés als serveis de salut és considerat un acte de "generositat" a càrrec de l'Estat. Idea, tanmateix, que s'oposa a la llei de drets humans. Existeix, doncs, una bretxa en l'atenció a la salut entre persones nadiues i immigrants, que cal eliminar mitjançant polítiques d'atenció a les persones partint de les seves particularitats culturals. En un sentit ampli, la vivència de la salut i la malaltia és una construcció social que depèn dels valors de cada cultura, i que una pràctica assistencial centrada en la persona ha de tenir en compte. ; In recent years, many professionals have focused interest on the struggle for the right of all persons, regardless of their condition, to health care, in the knowledge that one of the groups most at risk of neglect are 'illegal' im -migrants. The current restrictive legislation fosters the idea that irregular migrants are primarily responsible for their precarious situation, and allowing them access to health services is considered an act of 'generosity' by the State. However, this is clearly in contravention of human rights law. The currently existing discrimination in health care between natives and immigrants needs to be removed with care policies based on people's cultural specificity. In a broad sense, the experience of health and illness is a social construct that reflects the values of a given culture, and a person-centred approach to healthcare practices should take this into consideration. ; En los últimos años, muchos profesionales han centrado su interés en la lucha por elfderecho de todas las personas, independientemente de su condición, a recibir atención sanitaria, conscientes de que entre los colectivos con más riesgo de desatención se encuentran los "sin papeles". Las leyes restrictivas actuales transmiten la idea de que los migrantes irregulares son los principales responsables de su precaria situación, y permitirles el acceso a los servicios de salud se considera un acto de "generosidad" a cargo del Estado. Idea, sin embargo, que se opone a la ley de derechos humanos. Existe, pues, una brecha en la atención a la salud entre personas nativas e inmigrantes, que hay que eliminar con políticas de atención a las personas partiendo de sus particularidades culturales. En un sentido amplio, la vivencia de la salud y la enfermedad es una construcción social que depende de los valores de cada cultura, y que una práctica asistencial centrada en la persona debe tener en cuenta.

Food justice denotes both a social movement and an academic discourse of theorizing what constitutes a fair food system where the benefits and harms of food production and consumption are distributed equally and where every human being has a right to food. In the general discourse of food justice, a just food system is also assumed to promote the sustainability of food systems. In this article, I point out the problems of this assumption by revealing the tensions between the social and environmental aspects of justice in food systems. They relate largely to the fact that local food is not synonymous for environmentally sustainable and low-carbon food, yet the food justice discourse has assumed that re-localization of food systems guarantees its environmental soundness. Another, related tension concerns the democratization of the food system that may aggravate the environmental burdens of the food system in certain conditions when not paired with education and scientific knowledge. I illustrate how the conflicts between various claims for justice emerge, how they could be avoided, and I also discuss how the society could foster the emergence of food citizenship that would promote justice and sustainability in food systems. Keywords: food justice, environmental sustainability, local food, food democracy ; Ruokaoikeudenmukaisuus viittaa ruokajärjestelmän reiluuteen eli siihen, miten oikeudenmukaisesti ruoan tuotannon, prosessoinnin, kaupan ja kuluttamisen hyödyt ja haitat jakaantuvat ja miten yhdenvertainen mahdollisuus ihmisillä on riittävään ja kulttuurisesti hyväksyttävään ravitsemukseen. Ruokaoikeudenmukaisuuden diskurssissa on vallinnut oletus, että ruokajärjestelmän oikeudenmukaisuus kulkee käsi kädessä järjestelmän kestävyyden kanssa. Tässä artikkelissa tarkastelen ruokaoikeudenmukaisuuden suhdetta ruokajärjestelmän ekologiseen kestävyyteen ja osoitan suhteen olevan jännitteinen tavoilla, jotka ovat toistaiseksi jääneet lähes huomiotta. Erityisesti tarkastelen lähiruoan ekologista kestävyyttä, joka on otettu usein annettuna oikeudenmukaisuuden diskursseissa: artikkelissa osoitan tämän oletuksen ongelmallisuuden. Toinen samankaltainen jännite liittyy ruokademokratian lisäämiseen, joka ei välttämättä paranna ruokajärjestelmän kestävyyttä vaan saattaa joissain tapauksissa jopa hidastaa ruokajärjestelmän kestävyystransitiota. Lopussa pohdin, miten artikkelissa tunnistettujen jännitteiden kanssa voidaan tulla toimeen ja miten ruokademokratiaa voitaisiin lisätä tavalla, joka tukee sekä oikeudenmukaisuutta että ekologisesti kestävän ruokajärjestelmän rakentamista. Avainsanat: ruokaoikeudenmukaisuus, ekologinen kestävyys, lähiruoka, ruokademokratia

In this book [titled Home, welfare work and vulnerability] the authors take the reader on welfare workers' home visits to clients in need of support in their living. Welfare workers refer to professionals in health and social care who in the book are represented among others by social workers, social care workers and nurses. The main concepts of the book are home, welfare work and vulnerability and these are contemplated from different angles. Welfare work entails encountering people who are in vulnerable situations in the midst of their everyday lives. They may need support in coping with their mental health, with physical illnesses, with the challenges of achieving sobriety and recovery or perhaps with the difficulties accompanying old age. On the one hand their ability to act is limited and weak but on the other they have many kinds of strengths and resources.

The book addresses a significant turning point in welfare services and work at which the objective is defined as the right of every individual to their own home and making living at home feasible for as long as possible. In the last fifty years or so many societal factors have made possible the dismantling of institutions, the reduction of places and the shortening of stays in institutions, the further development of care in the community, the construction of small residential and care facilities and most recently the further development of services to be taken into people's homes. The last stage of this dismantling of institutions is referred to in the book as the "home turn". As a societal change the home turn is complex – and that is how it is approached in the book. When one's own home is the main place in which welfare policy and work are implemented, it is important to scrutinize more closely what actually occurs there and what special issues are connected to this given context.

The book offers a timely point of view on the development of welfare services and the grass-root level welfare work done in the homes. It draws on interaction research based on ethnomethodology and human geography. Research data consist of recordings of home visits, researcher's field diaries and interviews with clients and workers. The work includes both chapters providing conceptual and theoretical overviews and empirical research on the encounters between client and worker(s) on home visits. Welfare work accomplished in people's homes entails many tensions and ethical issues which are analysed in the book and made visible through the means of research.

Tutkimuksen tavoitteena oli selvittää poliittisen eliitin toimintaa ja työmoraalia Suomen eduskunnassa. Tutkimus tehtiin kvantitatiivisen ja kvalitatiivisen aineiston pohjalta ja soveltamalla yhteiskuntatieteen ja oikeustieteen tutkimusmetodeja. Tilastotietoa kerättiin kahdeksientoista (18) valtiopäivien täysistunnoista vuosien 1970-1998 väliltä. Valiokunnista kohteena oli vaalikausi 1991-1994. Yhteensä aineistoon sisältyi 6 078 pöytäkirjaa ja näiden 520 869 läsnä- ja poissaolomerkintää. Lisäksi tarkasteltiin valtiopäivien historiaa, sekä lobbausta eli valiokuntien kestityksiä. Tärkeimmät säädökset olivat valtiopäiväjärjestys, Suomen perustuslaki ja eduskunnan työjärjestys. Tutkimustuloksena todettiin mm. seuraavaa. Kansanedustajan toimi ei ole enää perinteinen luottamustehtävä. Kansanedustaja on ammattipoliitikko, ja hänen toimensa nimikkeeksi sopisi käsite 'luottamusvirka'. 'Edustajanpalkkiokaan' ei ole 'palkkio' vaan kuukausitulo, ja siihen voisi soveltaa vanhaa virkamiespalkan elatusteoriaa. Kansanedustaja saa elatusta siitä, että hän antaa työvoimansa valtion, puolueen ja kansan käytettäväksi. Eduskuntatyö kaipaisi perusteellista remonttia. Tulisi pohtia ainakin välikysymyksen tarpeellisuutta, täysistuntojen päätösvaltaisuusrajaa, varamiesjärjestelmää ja valiokuntien asiantuntijakuulemisia. Asiantuntijat ovat liian usein samoja henkilöitä, he edustavat julkista valtaa, ay-liikettä ja erilaisia etujärjestöjä. Puhemiesneuvoston valtaa - ja henkilöön perustuvaa auktoritatiivista valtaa - voisi rajoittaa asettamalla puhemiehen (ja varapuhemiesten) toimikaudelle määräaika. Eduskunnan kollektiivinen moraali muodostuu majoriteetti- ja senioriteettiperiaatteen pohjalta ja ilmentää usein kokeneempien edustajien käsitystä oikeasta ja väärästä. Taustajoukoista ja puolueensa tuesta riippuvainen ammattipoliitikko menettää herkästi yhteyden äänestäjiensä arkipäivään. Tällöin "oikea" voi hämärtyä ja edustajan etu nousee tärkeimmäksi. Esimerkiksi valiokuntien kestitysten suhteen on tulevan korruptiolain aikana syytä olla takavuosia varovaisempi. Kollektiivinen työmoraali näkyy edustajien tekemistä päätöksistä ja siitä, miten eduskunta tulkitsee, toteuttaa ja uudistaa instituutiota itseään koskevaa lainsäädäntöä. Yhtenä trendinä ilmenee eduskuntatyöhön kohdistuvien kontrollinormien lieventäminen, toisena demokratian vaatima mutta käytännössä paikoin näennäiseksi jäävä avoimuus. Eduskunnan sisäisten sääntömuutosten yhtenä funktiona voi olla jopa tarkoitus antaa suojaa kansalaiskontrollia vastaan. Poissaoloja on ollut eduskunnan alkuvuosista lähtien. Kaikki edustajat eivät saavu ajoissa valtiopäiville eivätkä kaikki osallistu äänestyksiin, vaikka ilmoittautuvat läsnäoleviksi. Salista poistumisen yhtenä syynä voi olla halu välttyä poliittiselta kannanotolta. Suuria poissaoloja ovat aiheuttaneet yöistunnot, maanantaipäivät, istuntokausien loppumiskiireet ja välikysymysten ministerivastaukset. Runsaita henkilöpoissaoloja ovat aiheuttaneet sairaus, virka- ja ministerintehtävät, 1990-luvun alussa myös loikkaukset ja ristiriidat puoleen kanssa. Aineiston valiokuntakokouksista päätösvaltaisena oli alkanut noin 70 % ja loppunut noin 65 %. Suurin vajaavaltaisuuden aiheuttaja oli asiantuntijakuuleminen. Ratkaiseva hallituksen esityksen toinen käsittely oli tehty päätösvaltaisesti, mutta muuten asioita oli viety eteenpäin vajaavaltaisena. Jos päätösvalta-vaatimus olisi ollut ehdoton, asia olisi voinut jumiutua valiokuntaan ja hidastaa eduskuntatyötä. Poikkeuksena päätösvaltaongelmiin oli toimintatavoiltaan erilainen, edustajia ministeristöön nostava valtiovarainvaliokunta. Eduskunnassa on hiljaisia puurtajia eli lainsäädäntötyön tekijöitä, mutta myös poissaolijoita. Poissaolijat jakautuvat puolueensa hyväksi työtä tekeviin poliitikkoihin ja edustajiin, joiden poissaoloihin löytyy ehkä selitys mutta ei puolustusta. Hiljaisen puurtajan työpanos jää usein näkymättä, ja julkinen kuva muodostuu tunnetuista poliitikoista. Ajan mittaan hiljainen puurtaja voi kuitenkin tulla palkituksi arvostetulla eduskunta- tai ministeritehtävällä. Eduskunnassa on korkeaa kollektiivista ja korkeaa yksilöllistä työmoraalia, mutta myös päinvastaisia ilmentymiä. Työmoraalilla ei ole keskimäärää, sillä on kasvot. Poliittiseen eliittiin kuuluu henkilöitä, jotka käyttäytyvät epäeettisesti jos heitä ei valvota - mutta niin heitä kuuluu kaikkialle yhteiskuntaan, äänestäjiinkin. Yleistää ei pidä; jokaista on kohdeltava omana henkilönään. 1980-luvun alkupuolella keskimääräinen poissaolo täysistunnon nimenhuudosta oli noin 20 henkilöä (10 %). Vuonna 1989 työjärjestykseen lisättiin mahdollisuus ilmoittautua läsnäolevaksi nimenhuudon jälkeen. Samana vuonna keskimääräinen poissaolo oli jo 31 henkilöä (15 %). Valtiopäiviin 1994 vaikutti mm. liittyminen Euroopan unioniin, ja silloin nimenhuudosta oli poissa keskimäärin 36 henkilöä (18 %). Sama 36 henkilöä toistui vuonna 1997, jolloin yhtenä syynä olivat äitiyslomat. Vuonna 1998 eduskunta muutti tilastonsa julkisiksi ja syksyn poissaolot lähtivät jyrkkään laskuun. Vuoden keskimääräinen poissaolo nimenhuudosta oli 29 edustajaa (14 %). ; The purpose of the research was to examine the operation of the political elite in the Finnish Parliament.The study is based on both quantitative and qualitative data, and the research methods used are derived from jurisprudence and the social sciences. The statistical data of plenary sessions were collected from 18 parliaments in years 1970-1998, and the data of parliamentary committees from the legislative period of 1991-1994. In all, the data consisted of 6,078 recorded minutes and 520,869 registrations of attendance and non-attendance. The qualitative data consisted of historical surveys of parliament's early years and of surveys of lobbying parliamentary committees. The most important statutes in the normative examination were Parliament Act, the Finnish Constitution and the Parliamentary Order of the Day. The actual work of a parliament member is no longer based on the position of trust. The position has now a more professional character, and the representative has in a way become a professional politician. In fact, the term "office of trust" might most appropriately describe an elected representative's work at present. Even today representatives are paid a "reward" for their services. The use of the term "subsistence" could better refer to the total sum of a monthly income and various other benefits. Subsistence, it also could imply that the representatives contribute their work for the use of the state, of the party and the people. Parliamentary regulations still need a fundamental restructuring. More widely it should be discussed the usefulness of interpellation, the quorum of plenary sessions, the system of deputy members and the system of hearing outside experts at the committee work. The power of the Speakers could be reduced by limiting the office years of the Speaker (and Deputy Speakers). In a parliament, collective morale is moulded by the principle of majority and seniority. Members with fewer years of service have to accept the decisions taken by the more experienced colleagues. Therefore, the collective morale mainly reflects the senior representative's perceptions of right and wrong. A professional politician, depending on political background and party, lost readily genuine contact with the everyday life of voters. Therefore the meaning of the word "right" can be obscured. For example, in committee work they should be more careful with lobbyism in future, when parliament pass a law for representative's corruption. The collective work morale of parliament manifests in the decisions taken. It is also visible in how the members interpret, implement and reform legislation concerning parliament institution. One trend seems to be moderating the norms used in controlling parliamentary work. Another trend is the requirement of openness, demanded by democracy, which, however, often remains quite superficial. It actually seems some times that the internal reforms of parliamentary regulations have been made to protect parliament against its control by citizens. Absences have always been there and they have been discussed since early days of parliament. All the representatives do not turn up in time when parliament begins its work, and some representatives leave the main auditorium as soon as the roll call is over. One reason for an early departure may be try to avoid taking political stand. In the years examined major non-attendance have been caused by night sessions, Monday sessions, ending of term of parliamentary sessions and interpellations debates during Cabinet minister's respond. As to individual representatives non-attendance have been increased by illness, ministerial and official duties or official journeys. In the early 1990s some non-attendance were caused by representatives who went over to another party or had conflicts with their own party. In research material some 70% of committee meetings had started with the presence of a quorum, but when they were adjourned the quorum had dropped to 65%. Hearing outside experts was the major reason for non-quorum meetings. In the decisive second reading of a government proposal there was always the presence of a quorum. If the demand for a quorum had been applied faithfully in all cases, the matter under discussion would probably have delayed the work of parliament as a whole. In this respect, the state financial committee was an exception, because it operates different and helps parliament members in their political career by promoting them to ministerial positions. In parliament work some of the members can be clearly identified as the quiet hard workers. On the other hand, the degree of non-attendance can be high. The conscientious representatives who attend meetings actively are "legislators", while the absent could be divided into "professional politicians" working for their own party or representatives whose absence can be explained but not really defended. The input of a single, hard- working representative often remains invisible. The public image of parliament is primarily created by the well-known professional politicians. A quiet hard-working can, however, in the long run be rewarded with visible parliamentary or ministerial duties. High collective and individual work morale is still to be seen in parliament, but just the opposite may also manifest itself. Morale is something that cannot be expressed in terms of an average, since morale has a face. There will always be members of the political elite who, if uncontrolled, will act unethically. But the same holds true for the rest of society, including the voters. Therefore we should avoid making generalisations and, instead, we should regard each member of parliament as an individual person with his or her own human characteristics. As the early 1980s the average number of absentees in the roll call of plenary sessions was 20 members (10%). In 1989, after an order reform, it became possible to register as present even after the roll call of plenary sessions. In that year 31 members on average (15%) were absent during the roll call. In 1994, when Finland was negotiating its membership in the European Union, on average 36 members (18%) were absent during the roll call. In 1997 the same 36 was caused by a large number of maternity leaves. In 1998 when parliamentary statistics were made public, the average number of absentees was 29 members (14%).