Suchergebnisse

U povijesnoj osnovi europskih integracija, kao i u fazi pristupanja svake nove članice, leži nada u bolje sutra, u gospodarski napredak države i pojedinca. U radu se istražuje u kojoj je mjeri siromaštvo poticaj migriranju radne snage u potrazi za kvalitetnijom i sigurnijom egzistencijom unutar EU-a. Materijalna dobra osobe, obitelji i države pretpostavka su ostvarenja ljudskih prava. U radu se istražuju podatci Eurostata o stanju u RH nakon petogodišnjeg članstva u EU-u. Budući da su migracije radne snage potaknute materijalnom oskudicom, na razini Europske unije neizbježno dolazi do relociranih obitelji, ali i imovine. Zbog nade u povratak i obiteljskih veza koje se održavaju ovisno o tradiciji i osjećaju pripadnosti nacionalnom identitetu, nesumnjivo dolazi do usporednih bračno-imovinskih ili partnerskih režima. Uredbama EU-a iz 2016. godine uspostavlja se mehanizam pojačane suradnje u imovinskim učincima braka i registriranih partnerstava. Istražuju se uzroci i nastoje se predvidjeti posljedice sve brojnijih transnacionalno relociranih obitelji. ; The history of European integrations, as well as the accession of each new member state, is based on the hope for a better future, the economic progress of the state and the individual. The paper examines the impact of poverty on labor migration. Citizens of the EU member states are in permanent search for a better quality of life and more secure existence within the EU borders. The material goods of a person, family, and state are a prerequisite for the realization of human rights.The paper compares EUROSTAT data after five years of Croatian membership in the EU. Migrations of labour within the EU caused by economic crisis inevitably result in relocated transnational families and their property . The hope of return to the home country and maintenance of family ties, which depends on tradition and sense of national identity inevitably leads to parallel matrimonial or registered partnership property regimes. The 2016 EU Regulations establish a mechanism authorizing ...

In this article I will examine the powers and activities of NATO-led Kosovo forces (KFOR) and their impact on human rights protection in Kosovo. Through this examination, I seek to answer the following questions: which KFOR actions affected the human rights of Kosovars? Does KFOR carry out responsibilities and abide by the obligations normally imposed upon nation-states? And is there a solution available when the alleged violator is KFOR? KFOR is responsible for carrying out military tasks and for 'shouldering' UNMIK and local security forces in some civilian peace-building tasks. In the course of the exercise of its mandate, there were alleged complaints of human rights violations by KFOR. The legal implications of these alleged complaints against KFOR (in)actions will also be discussed. ; In this article I will examine the powers and activities of NATO-led Kosovo forces (KFOR) and their impact on human rights protection in Kosovo. Through this examination, I seek to answer the following questions: which KFOR actions affected the human rights of Kosovars? Does KFOR carry out responsibilities and abide by the obligations normally imposed upon nation-states? And is there a solution available when the alleged violator is KFOR? KFOR is responsible for carrying out military tasks and for 'shouldering' UNMIK and local security forces in some civilian peace-building tasks. In the course of the exercise of its mandate, there were alleged complaints of human rights violations by KFOR. The legal implications of these alleged complaints against KFOR (in)actions will also be discussed.

Polazeći od pretpostavke da je rješenje političkog, pravnog, kulturnog i društvenog položaja manjina u nekom društvu mjerilo demokratizacije i modernizacije tog društva, odnos prema migrantima mjerilo je stupnja svijesti o tome da poštivanje univerzalnih ljudskih prava, određenih u dokumentima UN-a, podrazumijeva i pravo migranata na razvoj i na to da ne žive u siromaštvu. Ženevska konvencija (1951.), koja se odnosi na status izbjeglica, izmijenjena Protokolom iz New Yorka (1967.), bila je osnova za razvoj zajedničke azilantske politike Europske unije. Od 1999. godine EU je počela stvarati tu politiku, što je rezultiralo Dublinskom regulativom (2013.). U 2015. godini više od milijun izbjeglica s Bliskog istoka i iz Sjeverne Afrike došlo je u Europu, iz dva razloga, prvo, da sačuvaju živote uslijed ratnih sukoba u svojim zemljama i drugo, da pronađu političku i ekonomsku sigurnost, prvenstveno u Njemačkoj i skandinavskim zemljama. Način na koji su države članice EU nastojale da europski odgovor na migrantsku krizu bude u skladu sa međunarodnim i pravom EU, posebno (ne)prihvaćanje sustava kvota – preraspodjele migranata u državama članicama, zatvaranje tzv. Balkanske rute, koja je izbjeglice vodila od Turske, preko Grčke, Makedonije i Srbije ka zemalja članicama EU, njihovo kolektivno vraćanje, zbog čega su balkanske zemlje u strahu da će postati tampon zona, a izbjeglice da će ostati blokirane na Balkanu, otvorio je pitanje poštivanja ljudskih prava i revizije azilantske politike EU. Zato se javila i potreba stvaranja novog područja međunarodne zaštite prava migranata, posebno prava na rad i razvoj, čime se bavi ovaj znanstveno-istraživački rad. ; Starting from the premise that the political, legal, cultural and social status of minorities may be used to measure the degree of democracy and modernization reached by a particular society, attitudes towards immigrants may be used to measure the degree of awareness indicating that respect for universal human rights recognized in relevant United Nations documents, including the right to development and living above the poverty. The Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees (Geneva, 1951) and its Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees (New York, 1967) underpin the creation of a Common European Asylum System (CEAS). Since 1999, the EU has been working to create a CEAS, resulting in common rules laid down in the Dublin Regulation (2013). In 2015, more than a million refugees fled their Middle Eastern and North African homelands and came to Europe for two reasons. Firstly, they were literally running to save their lives, and secondly, they were fleeing in search for a secure livelihood and political stability (primarily, to Germany and the Scandinavian countries). The way in which EU Member States sought to ensure compliance with international and EU legislation in their response to the refugee crisis, in particular by: (not)accepting the proposed quota system – distribution of migrants across EU member states, closing the gates along the so-called Western Balkan Route, the main transit route for migrants heading towards EU member states from Turkey, via Greece, Macedonia and Serbia, and their collective return, which caused Balkan countries fear of becoming buffer zone for refugees and the refugees fear of being trapped in the Balkans, raised the issue of human rights and revision of the European Asylum Policy. Therefore, there is a need to create a new segment of international protection of the rights of migrants, in particular the right to work and development, which is a subject that is dealt with in this research paper.

Ostvarivanje ljudskih prava u starosti znači prije svega skrb za kvalitetu života osoba oboljelih od Alzheimerove bolesti i sprječavanje diskriminacije na osnovi starosti i bolesti. U ovome radu analiziramo najkvalitetnije instrumente zaštite ljudskih prava oboljelih od Alzheimerove bolesti, a koji se temelje na načelima autonomije, samoodređenja i najboljeg interesa oboljele osobe. Takvi se zahtjevi najbolje mogu ostvariti u sustavima koji predviđaju više različitih modaliteta zaštite oboljelih od Alzheimerove bolesti. Pravni status skrbnika i odlučivanje o pravima, interesima i potrebama osoba oboljelih od Alzheimerove bolesti uz podršku, informirani pristanak oboljele osobe na medicinski tretman i/ili istraživanje o samoj bolesti kao i mogućnost sklapanja anticipirane naredbe instrumenti su zaštite njihovih ljudskih prava. Život osoba treće dobi reguliran je zakonskim mjerama i politikama koje nisu posebno okrenute njihovim potrebama, te u svojoj suštini krše temeljna ljudska prava, osobito kada je riječ o osobama oboljelima od Alzheimerove bolesti. Palijativna skrb jedna je od tih mjera koje treba smatrati temeljnim ljudskim pravom oboljelih od Alzheimerove bolesti. ; The management of human rights in old age primarily refers to providing care related to the quality of life of people suffering from Alzheimer's disease and preventing discrimination on the basis of age and illness. This paper analyses the best instruments for the protection of human rights of those suffering from Alzheimer's disease based on the principles of autonomy, self-determination, and the patient's best interests. Such requirements can best be met in systems providing several various forms of protection for people suffering from Alzheimer's disease. The legal status of caregivers and making decisions regarding the rights, interests, and needs of people suffering from Alzheimer's disease with the support, informed consent of the patient to medical treatment, and/or research of the disease itself, as well as the option of anticipated disposition, are all instruments for the protection of their human rights. The life of the elderly is regulated by legal measures and policies which are not directly focused on their needs and inherently violate basic human rights, especially in the case of people suffering from Alzheimer's disease. Palliative care is one of the measures which should be considered a basic human right of people suffering from Alzheimer's disease.

Right of access to a court, enshrined in Article 6 § 1 of the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms forms one of the basis for reinforcement of the principle of rule of law. However, the right of access to a court may be limited by provisions of national legislation regulating the functioning of the judicial system and rules of judicial procedure. The higher the hierarchy of the court, the more limits may be placed on the right of access to it. The aim of this article is to examine the different modalities of organisation of supreme judiciaries in European countries (members of the Council of Europe) and mechanisms established in national legislation for filtering applications to those jurisdictions in civil cases, in light of the principles set forth in that regard by the ever evolving case-law of the European Court of Human Rights, and the effects of its judgments and decisions on national legal systems. ; Right of access to a court, enshrined in Article 6 § 1 of the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms forms one of the basis for reinforcement of the principle of rule of law. However, the right of access to a court may be limited by provisions of national legislation regulating the functioning of the judicial system and rules of judicial procedure. The higher the hierarchy of the court, the more limits may be placed on the right of access to it. The aim of this article is to examine the different modalities of organisation of supreme judiciaries in European countries (members of the Council of Europe) and mechanisms established in national legislation for filtering applications to those jurisdictions in civil cases, in light of the principles set forth in that regard by the ever evolving case-law of the European Court of Human Rights, and the effects of its judgments and decisions on national legal systems.

Ustav Republike Hrvatske proklamira ljudska prava i slobode u skladu s dokumentima univerzalnog karaktera i vrelima prava Europske unije i Vijeća Europe. Među tim pravima Ustav utvrđuje prava i slobode na radu i u vezi s radom, prava radnika i njihovih udruga (poslodavaca i njihovih udruga) ali i prava i obveze države (i kada se javlja kao vlast ili/i kao poslodavac). Predmet ovoga rada su industrijske akcije drukčije od štrajka u sadržaju prirodnih prava (prava čovjeka na radu), kao dio prava na rad i slobodu rada, prava na zaradu "kojom može osigurati sebi i obitelji slobodan i dostojan život"; pravo na ograničeno radno vrijeme; pravo na odmore i dopuste; pravo udjela pri odlučivanju u poduzeću; pravo na zaštitu zdravlja i sigurnosti na radu; pravo na socijalnu sigurnost, socijalno osiguranje i zdravstvenu zaštitu; pravo koalicije i osnivanja sindikata "radi zaštite svojih gospodarskih i socijalnih interesa"; pa slijedom toga "jamči se pravo na štrajk". Pitanje i odnose štrajka i drugih industrijskih akcija uređuje zakon i autonomni opći akti, pravila udruga, a utvrđuje i sudska praksa, pored onoga što "kreira" i determinira praksa u živim, primjenljivim i promjenljivim odnosima, bez obzira na njihovu reguliranost. ; The Constitution of the Republic of Croatia proclaims human rights and freedoms in accordance with the documents of universal character and the sources of law of the European Union and the Council of Europe. Among these rights, the Constitution establishes the rights and freedoms at work and in connection with work, the rights of workers and their associations (employers and their associations), but also the rights and obligations of the state (both when it comes to power or/and as an employer). The subject of this paper is industrial action diff erent from the strike in the content of natural rights (human rights at work), as part of the right to work and freedom to work, the right to earn "which can secure a free and dignified life for himself and his family"; the right to a limited working ...

of freedom of expression. However, they have also made it easier and faster than ever before to spread disinformation, misinformation, propaganda and fake news. Although these phenomena are not new, the impact they have had in recent years on political processes in democratic societies (e.g. the 2016 U.S. presidential election and Brexit) and on human behavior during the COVID-19 pandemic, has drawn attention to this issue. The aim of this paper is to highlight the problem of fake news as a human rights issue in the context of Art. 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights, which guarantees freedom of expression. The paper provides a terminological and historical overview of the term fake news and related concepts. It also provides an overview of Art. 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights and clarifies the situations and conditions under which the restrictions on the freedom of expression are justified on the basis of Art. 10(2). The authors also provide an insight into the relevant case law of the European Court of Human Rights. ; Internet i društvene mreže uvelike su pridonijeli ostvarivanju slobode izražavanja. No, olakšali su i ubrzali širenje dezinformacija, propagande i lažnih vijesti. Iako ovi fenomeni nisu novi, utjecaj koji su posljednjih godina imali na političke procese u demokratskim društvima (npr. na predsjedničke izbore u SAD-u 2016. i Brexit) i na ljudsko ponašanje tijekom pandemije bolesti COVID-19, skrenuli su pozornost na ovo pitanje. Cilj je ovog rada upozoriti na problem lažnih vijesti (fake news) u kontekstu čl. 10. Europske konvencije o ljudskim pravima koji jamči slobodu izražavanja. U radu se daje terminološki i povijesni pregled pojma fake news i srodnih pojmova. Zatim se daje pregled čl. 10. Europske konvencije o ljudskim pravima i pojašnjavaju situacije i uvjeti pod kojima su ograničenja prava na slobodu izražavanja opravdana na temelju njena čl. 10., st. 2. Autori pružaju uvid i u relevantnu praksu Europskog suda za ljudska prava.

The paper analyses Art. 12 of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and its implications for the position of persons with mental disabilities. The new concept of legal capacity contained in Art. 12 should ensure that fundamental human rights of these persons are no longer "a dead letter on paper". However, once the Convention came into force, the implementation of this provision has proved to be problematic for States Parties. Diane Kingston, former Vice-Chairperson of the Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, best expressed the scale of the problem in October 2015 when she emphasized that no country had until that point fully met the requirements contained in Art. 12. Given that the Convention is a document that prescribes the fundamental human rights, the statement that no national legislation is consistent with its key provision is confusing and worrying. Therefore, a special attention should be paid to Art. 12 and its implementation in practice ; U radu se analizira odredba čl. 12. Konvencije o pravima osoba s invaliditetom te njezin utje- caj na položaj osoba s duševnim smetnjama. Nova koncepcija poslovne sposobnosti sadržana u čl. 12. trebala bi osigurati da temeljna ljudska prava osoba s duševnim smetnjama više ne budu mrtvo slovo na papiru. No, nakon što je Konvencija stupila na snagu, implementacija ove odredbe pokazala se problematičnom za države stranke. O razmjerima problema najbolje govori izjava Diane Kingston, bivše potpredsjednice Odbora za prava osoba s invaliditetom, iz listopada 2015., kako dotad nijedna zemlja nije u potpunosti udovoljila zahtjevima sadržani- ma u čl. 12. S obzirom na to da je Konvencija dokument koji propisuje temeljna ljudska prava, izjava kako nijedno nacionalno zakonodavstvo nije usklađeno s njegovom ključnom odredbom zbunjujuća je i zabrinjavajuća te zahtijeva da se odredbi čl. 12. posveti posebna pozornost.

By "collective" human rights we understand the ones that belong to a collective. We should distinguish the individual rights, which can be exercised only collectively (suffrage). The demands for "collective" human rights lead to misconceptions & explanatory problems since the universal, egalitarian, & categorical postulate of human rights cannot be equally valid for collectives & individuals. Thus, the protection of minorities' interests can be solely procured by adopting a restricted definition of individual human rights, which necessitates more & better respected social human rights. In some cases, collective rights were designed to protect endangered minorities but were justified by means of equalizing fairness. However, such collective rights are not possible at the level of human rights; they are regulated by special by-laws at the state level. Thus, they are restricted by the requirement that they do not violate individual human rights. Adapted from the source document.

The article opens with an introduction to the key aspects of the globalization debates and their controversies, while it later deals with the crisis of the national model of citizenship. Since the 1990's the debate is between the advocates of two conflicting theses. According to the first camp of authors, citizenship has proven resistant to the globalization changes in the economic, political and cultural sphere, and even capable of revival. On the other side, it has been argued that the identity of a person, as a member of a national community, was gradually separated from its human and civil rights. That led to the establishment of a 'postnational model of membership' -- individual and group rights independent of citizenship. According to the second camp, the nation state was fundamentally transformed and it has become an instrument for implementation of the international conventions and norms of human rights understood as personal instead of citizenship rights. There are also attempts to reconcile the two standpoints. These authors recognize the challenges to the conventional national mode of citizenship, but argue that the processes of citizenship transformation are primarily an internal issue for the liberal democracies. Some authors try to step out of the narrow and exclusive conceptual frameworks of the nation state and postnational membership, attempting to explain the conflicting transformation processes of citizenship rights. There are also proposals for new concepts of citizenship -- a multicultural and a supranational, for example -- as a response to the challenges of globalization and international migration. Finally, postmodern writers talk about postmodern or a cosmopolitan citizenship that is not immediately tied to the nation-state. Adapted from the source document.

The article opens with an introduction to the key aspects of the globalization debates and their controversies, while it later deals with the crisis of the national model of citizenship. Since the 1990's the debate is between the advocates of two conflicting theses. According to the first camp of authors, citizenship has proven resistant to the globalization changes in the economic, political and cultural sphere, and even capable of revival. On the other side, it has been argued that the identity of a person, as a member of a national community, was gradually separated from its human and civil rights. That led to the establishment of a 'postnational model of membership' -- individual and group rights independent of citizenship. According to the second camp, the nation state was fundamentally transformed and it has become an instrument for implementation of the international conventions and norms of human rights understood as personal instead of citizenship rights. There are also attempts to reconcile the two standpoints. These authors recognize the challenges to the conventional national mode of citizenship, but argue that the processes of citizenship transformation are primarily an internal issue for the liberal democracies. Some authors try to step out of the narrow and exclusive conceptual frameworks of the nation state and postnational membership, attempting to explain the conflicting transformation processes of citizenship rights. There are also proposals for new concepts of citizenship -- a multicultural and a supranational, for example -- as a response to the challenges of globalization and international migration. Finally, postmodern writers talk about postmodern or a cosmopolitan citizenship that is not immediately tied to the nation-state. Adapted from the source document.

The author deals with the background & the types of human rights in the era of globalization & looks into the proposals of their global institutionalization. His assumption is that the increased legal normatization of global legal regimes on the basis of human rights is in the rational interest of the actors of global law. There are five main ideas: the democratization of all states, the global institutionalization of the direct global civil law, the global federal republic, the international legal solutions &, the global law. The global institutionalization of human rights has been beset by various problems & it requires different approaches which should be seen as mutually corrective. The globally oriented weak publics are a kind of a forum in which individual solutions' relevance must be argued. They affect the globally operating strong publics. The author concludes that the demand for global justice remains a normative measure towards which public education & the public will must be oriented for the sake of the legal formulation of human rights. 45 References. Adapted from the source document.