The year 2003 underlined the continuity in the valuable contribution of ITF to demining and victims assistance in South-East Europe. ITF received unanimous and deep appreciation by the entire donors' community for its excellent performance record. In 2003, ITF facilitated the clearance of nearly 8 million square meters from mines and UXO in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia and Serbia and Montenegro, always in close co-operation with international and local authorities. ITF has also succeeded in raising more than 23 million USD in new funds. Increased funding came from 13 governments, the EU (including EC Delegation in Croatia and the European Reconstruction Agency), Adopt-A-Minefield, UNDP BH, and 20 other companies, organisations, communities and individuals. This underlines the partnership effort between governments, NGOs, business and local communities in both donor and recipient countries in demining activities. Many of the activities relating to the mine victims assistance highlight the human dimension of work of ITF and the crucial importance of risk education projects. There is no doubt that, through increased awareness programmes, many of the accidents that continue to occur, especially among children, could be avoided.
This essay explores the connection between discourses of membership, and refugee and human rights law. The argument is that state practice is often anchored in conceptions of democracy that refugee advocates must challenge at a fundamental level. I am particularly interested in the idea of human security. In addition, it is suggested that although human rights law has an essential role to play, we should not neglect the importance of refugee law as a status-granting mechanism. In the end, specific problems in refugee law call for progressive reform. For example, the essay calls for serious engagement with the idea of international or regional regulatory mechanisms to monitor state practice in this area. Many of the ideas applied in domestic contexts, such as the Canadian, come from international discussions. These discussions are often removed from effective participation. If states now function—and construct policy—at this level, then why should we not strongly advocate the creation of systems of accountability that operate at this level also? ; Cet article explore la relation entre les discours sur l'appartenance et la loi sur le droit d'asile et les droits de l'homme. Le raisonnement utilisé est que la pratique des états est souvent ancrée dans des concepts de démocratie que les défenseurs du droit d'asile se doivent de remettre en question. Je fais cela en relation avec l'idée de la sécurité humaine. Additionellement, il est suggéré que bien que la loi sur les droits de l'homme ait un rôle essentiel à jouer, nous ne devrions pas négliger l'importance que la loi sur le droit d'asile a à jouer en tant que mécanisme octroyant un statut. En fin de compte, il faudra apporter des réformes progressives touchant aux problèmes spécifiques de la loi sur le droit d'asile. Par exemple, l'article réclame que soit examinée sérieusement l'idée de mécanismes régulateurs au niveau international ou régional pour faire le suivi de la pratique des états dans ce domaine. Un grand nombre d'idées appliquées dans un contexte local ...
The International Trust Fund for Demining and Mine Victims Assistance (ITF) is a humanitarian, nonprofit organization devoted to the eradication of landmines in the region of South-East Europe and the world. When first established by the Slovenian government in March 1998, ITF was to assist Bosnia and Herzegovina in solving its landmine problem, and help surviving landmine victims with physical and socio-economic rehabilitation. However, as BiH was not the only country in the region affected by landmines (see Mine-contamination in the countries of ITF operations), it made good sense for ITF to spread its operations to include all other mine-affected countries in SE Europe as well. Presently, ITF is working in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia and Serbia and Montenegro. Some of the activities are also being carried out in Southern Caucasus and Cyprus. ITF seeks to attract public and private donors for Mine Action related activities in SE Europe including mine clearance, landmine victims assistance, mine risk education and training. While ITF has adopted a holistic approach to the landmine and UXO problem, we are however also striving to meet the needs of mine-affected communities on the ground level. ITF has been working very closely with the national governments and Mine Action Centers of the mine-affected countries so as to ensure that donated funds are spent on providing useful help to the local population.
When first established by the Slovenian government in March 1998, ITF was to assist Bosnia and Herzegovina in solving its landmine problem, and help surviving landmine victims with physical-social rehabilitation and reintegration. However, as BiH was not the only country in the region affected by landmines (see Mine and UXO threat in SE Europe), it was only fair to spread its operations to all other mine-affected countries in SE Europe as well. Presently, ITF is working in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia and Serbia and Montenegro. ITF seeks to attract public and private donors for Mine Action related activities in SE Europe including mine clearance, landmine survivors assistance, mine risk education and training. ITF is thus practicing holistic approach to landmine and UXO problem, and at the same time trying to meet the needs of the mine-affected communities in the field. ITF is thus working very closely with the national governments and mine action centers of the mine affected countries to guarantee that the donation is helpful and useful also for the end-users, i.e. the local population.
Canada has embarked on a new approach to security in the post-Cold War era. Through its Minister for Foreign Affairs, Lloyd Axworthy, Canada has championed the concept of human security. This paper analyses Canada's successes and failures with regard to each of the seven components of human security. The opening chapter of this paper analyses human security from the Canadian perspective. The chapter outlines the traditional definition of security that Canada followed during the Cold War and the redefinition that occurred in the post-Cold War era. The chapter then describes how the theory of human security is being put into practice by Canada through peacebuilding initiatives. The second chapter provides a checklist of the seven components that make up human security and Canada's efforts in relation to each component. The seven components of human security that are analysed are economic, food, health, environmental, personal, community, and political. Canada has made positive progress on some of the components of human security. However, for the most part Canada's human security efforts suffer from a severe lack of funding. Canada does not contribute nearly as many financial resources as other like-minded nations and is in serious danger of losing its good international reputation if it continues to shrink its commitments financially. ; The original print copy of this thesis may be available here: http://wizard.unbc.ca/record=b1193079
Canada has embarked on a new approach to security in the post-Cold War era. Through its Minister for Foreign Affairs, Lloyd Axworthy, Canada has championed the concept of human security. This paper analyses Canada's successes and failures with regard to each of the seven components of human security. The opening chapter of this paper analyses human security from the Canadian perspective. The chapter outlines the traditional definition of security that Canada followed during the Cold War and the redefinition that occurred in the post-Cold War era. The chapter then describes how the theory of human security is being put into practice by Canada through peacebuilding initiatives. The second chapter provides a checklist of the seven components that make up human security and Canada's efforts in relation to each component. The seven components of human security that are analysed are economic, food, health, environmental, personal, community, and political. Canada has made positive progress on some of the components of human security. However, for the most part Canada's human security efforts suffer from a severe lack of funding. Canada does not contribute nearly as many financial resources as other like-minded nations and is in serious danger of losing its good international reputation if it continues to shrink its commitments financially. ; The original print copy of this thesis may be available here: http://wizard.unbc.ca/record=b1193079
yes ; Arms embargoes are one of the principal tools of states in seeking to prevent, limit and bring an end to armed conflict and human rights abuses. Despite the frequency with which arms embargoes have been imposed, there are significant problems with their implementation. Pressure is therefore growing for the international governmental community to act in order to ensure that the political commitment embodied by the imposition of arms embargoes is matched by the commitment to ensure their rigorous enforcement and to achieve enhanced human security on the ground. Increasing the effectiveness of arms embargoes is a specific aim of the United Nations Programme of Action for Preventing and Combating the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons in All Its Aspects1 which specifically calls upon states "To take appropriate measures, including all legal or administrative means, against any activity that violates a United Nations Security Council arms embargo in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations".2 Accordingly, within the context of the implementation of the UN PoA, the overall aim of this paper is to explore ways in which the international community can act in order to strengthen the impact of arms embargoes and enhance human security. It will begin by examining the purposes, processes and effects relating to arms embargoes, with particular attention to those agreed at international (UN) level, and by highlighting issues of concern in each regard. An overview of the main issues and challenges facing implementation of arms embargoes will include the elaboration of three case-study examples showing the impact of UN arms embargoes on the availability of arms and on human security and a further five that illustrate the dilemmas faced by states in seeking to implement arms embargoes. Priority areas for attention in any international effort to strengthen the effectiveness of arms embargoes will be followed by more extensive proposals for enhancing international embargo regimes within the context of implementing the UN PoA. Whilst it is recognised that the UN PoA contains measures that relate only to the illicit trade in small arms and light weapons (SALW), if implemented fully, many of these would serve to strengthen the international apparatus of control, information exchange and provision of assistance relating to arms proliferation and misuse as a whole. In turn, this would greatly enhance the implementation of UN arms embargoes. Therefore, as well as providing an opportunity for reviewing progress on implementing the PoA, the first Biennial Meeting of States in July 2003 is clearly a major opportunity for states to address a number of the pressing challenges facing states in the implementation of UN embargoes.
Tagungsbericht: Mahler, Claudia: New Approaches to Human Security and Human Rights / Arbeitsgespräch im DIMR mit einem Mitglied der Internationalen Kommission für menschliche Sicherheit, Frau Prof. Dr. Sonia Picado, am 6. Juni 2002
The rapid spread of HIV/AIDS in Southern Africa is both a cause and a consequence of poverty. But while there is a clear link between AIDS and economic insecurity, there is no evidence of a connection between AIDS and security understood in the policing/state security sense of the term. Orphans are a human tragedy but not a direct security threat. AIDS does not appear to be high on the list of political priorities for most Southern Africans. Governments are thus likely to continue to respond to the epidemic unevenly and with limited resources.
International audience ; Following the crisis of 1997 Albania has experienced considerable macro economic stability. However, as experience has shown macro economic stability is not necessarily a sufficient condition for political and social stability. Furthermore, in the Albanian case macro economic stability has not yet produced prosperity and economic well being at the family and individual level. The motivation for the production of an early warning report was that relevant qualitative research was not being done on a consistent basis and as such, no trend or dynamic conclusions could be drawn to inform response strategies and pro-active decision-making. The main goal of the Early Warning reports is to develop an analytical framework in which potential factors that could cause instability in Albania could be measured. It is through this framework that data gathered and the analysis of early warning information would be brought to all interested parties, such as the government, media, civil society and international organizations so that appropriate measures can be taken. However, the main target group of this reporting process will be the government of Albania at the central and local level to enable the formulation of timely and pro-active policies dealing with the identified concerns. Unlike the previous two attempts at Early Warning Reporting, which were largely thematic in their focus, this revised Report format will emphasize the establishment of an effective monitoring system. The first Albanian Early Warning Report was written after the Kosovo crisis. Since elections have proven to be conflict generating events during the past decade in Albania, the second report focused on political risk assessment of the 2001 pre-electoral situation in the country. The situation is now slightly different as the country is recovering and has made considerable improvements in terms of political and economic stability. The challenge now is to adapt an Early Warning tool for crisis prevention in a post-crisis country ...
The success or failure of processes of democratization cannot be detached from processes of development related to the aspirations of people at the grassroots. Human rights, in a more theoretical terminology, require human development in order to enhance human security.
The two opening shots have been fired. On September 11, 2001, someone orchestrated an unprecedented suicide attack on the World Trade Centre in New York and on the Pentagon in Washington DC. The U.S. government immediately laid the blame on Osama bin Laden and his al Qaeda organization. It announced a total 'war on terrorism,' imaginatively nicknamed 'infinite justice,' and quickly moved to retaliate. On October 7, together with British forces and the blessing of many countries, it launched its first retaliation, bombing targets in Afghanistan, where bin Laden allegedly hides. Much has already been written on the background and causes of these developments, and no doubt more will be coming. But so far, there has been little attempt to understand the possible consequences for contemporary capitalism. There is a real likelihood that these two events will mark the beginning of a global cycle of violence, with military operations, terror attacks, retaliations and counter-retaliations becoming the hallmark of the new century. And yet, could this type of warfare coexist with neoliberal capitalism? Can the ideology of 'consumer sovereignty' survive the reality of human insecurity? How might the new reality of terror affect the accumulation of capital? Will it engender a conflict within the ruling capitalist class? And if so, could such conflict open alternative possibilities for a less violent future?
The two opening shots have been fired. On September 11, 2001, someone orchestrated an unprecedented suicide attack on the World Trade Centre in New York and on the Pentagon in Washington DC. The U.S. government immediately laid the blame on Osama bin Laden and his al Qaeda organization. It announced a total 'war on terrorism,' imaginatively nicknamed 'infinite justice,' and quickly moved to retaliate. On October 7, together with British forces and the blessing of many countries, it launched its first retaliation, bombing targets in Afghanistan, where bin Laden allegedly hides. Much has already been written on the background and causes of these developments, and no doubt more will be coming. But so far, there has been little attempt to understand the possible consequences for contemporary capitalism. There is a real likelihood that these two events will mark the beginning of a global cycle of violence, with military operations, terror attacks, retaliations and counter-retaliations becoming the hallmark of the new century. And yet, could this type of warfare coexist with neoliberal capitalism? Can the ideology of 'consumer sovereignty' survive the reality of human insecurity? How might the new reality of terror affect the accumulation of capital? Will it engender a conflict within the ruling capitalist class? And if so, could such conflict open alternative possibilities for a less violent future?
In the aftermath of the September 11 attacks, the security environment in the Western world has changed considerably. Threat perception and risk management are being reassessed, and the word "security" has acquired an added relevance in the political agenda. This paper addresses a particular derivation of the concept of security, which is human security, from the perspective of refugee protection and human rights of the individual, assessing the advantages and disadvantages, together with the possible uses and misuses of the notion in the post-September 11 context. In particular, it deals with the question of what has changed that could demand greater attention in crafting a human security regime, which may in specific regions be inclusive of some but exclusive of others. It concludes by cautioning against a drift of the concept towards incorporating too many different elements that may be used perversely and against the interests of refugees. ; À la suite des attentats du 11 septembre, l'environnement en matière de sécurité a considérablement changé dans le monde occidental. La perception des menaces et la gestion du risque ont acquis une nouvelle pertinence dans l'agenda politique. Cet article examine un aspect particulier de la notion de sécurité, c.à-d. la sécurité humaine, du point de vue de la protection des réfugiés et des droits de la personne de chaque individu. Il tente d'en évaluer les avantages et les inconvénients, aussi bien que les usages et abus possibles dans le contexte de l'après 11 septembre. Plus spécifiquement, il lance une réflexion sur la question de savoir ce qui a changé dans ce nouvel univers qui demanderait plus d'attention afin qu'on puisse façonner un régime de sécurité humaine qui, dans certaines régions, inclurait certains groupes et en exclurait d'autres. L'article conclut avec une mise en garde contre une dérive de la notion pour inclure trop d'éléments disparates qui pourraient être utilisés d'une manière perverse et contre les intérêts des réfugiés.
When the environmental issues are addressed in sustainability, human security terms the information demand is getting more complex, emphasising the need to integrate environmental, economic and socio-cultural information. This paper proposes an insight into the data and indicator issues on environment and human security in Romania from an institutional perspective. To a country in transition like Romania creating appropriate organisational structures and legislation has beed a prerequisite to building a realistic and effective environmental protection strategy. Therefore a presentation of the institutional and legislative framework of environmental protection created after 1989, in comparison with the situation in the communist period, has been considered necessary for understanding the institutional context of environmental data collecting, transmitting, processing and employing. On this basis the environmental information system has been critically assessed in terms of content, information flows and further developments related to human security issues. The data reliability at various territorial levels of data collecting, processing and transmitting has been also analysed in this context. A special emphasis has been put on the actors involved in employing the environmental information for strategy and policy elaboration and implementation, management and administration as well as for scientific research, environmental education and public participation purposes. A typology of these actors from organisational viewpoint has been proposed and analysed, pointing out the need of enhancing the netwotking effects at both national and international level.
