Suchergebnisse

Koncept ljudske sigurnosti prvi put je istaknut u izvješću UNDP-a (United Nations Development Programme: Razvojni program Ujedinjenih naroda) 1994. i bazira se na slobodi od oskudice (freedom from want) i slobodi od straha (freedom from fear). Na Svjetskom samitu o hrani (World Food Summit) 1996. sigurnost hrane je definirana na način koji naglašava dostupnost hrane, pristup hrani te korištenje i stabilnost kao ključne dimenzije sigurnosti hrane. Iako najčešće nije jedini uzrok sukoba, nesigurnost hrane predstavlja sigurnosnu prijetnju jer služi kao pokretač nasilnog djelovanja. Glad i nesigurnost hrane povećavaju vjerojatnost da će doći do prosvjeda i nereda što potiče nesigurnost među stanovništvom i ostavlja dugotrajne posljedice na cjelokupan razvoj zajednice. S druge strane, sukobi uzrokuju degradaciju okoliša, raspad ekonomije i prisilno raseljavanje stanovništva što u konačnici uzrokuje glad i, naposljetku, bolest i smrt. U posljednjem desetljeću mnoge zemlje ulažu napore u provođenje zakona i strategija usmjerenih na rješavanje problema gladi. Nastoji se potaknuti i društvene skupine da aktivno sudjeluju kako bi uz pomoć međunarodne zajednice unaprijedili sigurnost hrane i osigurali pozitivne transformacije. ; The concept of human security was first highlighted in the UNDP report of 1994 and is based on two freedoms; freedom from want and freedom from fear. The widely accepted World Food Summit definition from 1996 emphasizes the importance of food availability, food access, food use and stability of food as key dimensions of food security. Although usually not the only cause of conflict, food insecurity represents a security threat since it serves as an initiator of violent actions. The presence of hunger and food insecurity increase the probability of protests and riots, which further causes insecurity among the population and leaves long-term consequences to the overall development of the community. On the other hand, conflicts cause the degradation of environment, economic disruption, forced displacement of the population which, in the end, causes hunger and ultimately disease and death. In the last decade, many countries have invested their efforts in law enforcement and strategies aimed at solving the problem of hunger. Countries also seek to activate social groups for participating actively in cooperation with international communities in order to enhance food security and ensure positive transformation.

In this article I will examine the powers and activities of NATO-led Kosovo forces (KFOR) and their impact on human rights protection in Kosovo. Through this examination, I seek to answer the following questions: which KFOR actions affected the human rights of Kosovars? Does KFOR carry out responsibilities and abide by the obligations normally imposed upon nation-states? And is there a solution available when the alleged violator is KFOR? KFOR is responsible for carrying out military tasks and for 'shouldering' UNMIK and local security forces in some civilian peace-building tasks. In the course of the exercise of its mandate, there were alleged complaints of human rights violations by KFOR. The legal implications of these alleged complaints against KFOR (in)actions will also be discussed. ; In this article I will examine the powers and activities of NATO-led Kosovo forces (KFOR) and their impact on human rights protection in Kosovo. Through this examination, I seek to answer the following questions: which KFOR actions affected the human rights of Kosovars? Does KFOR carry out responsibilities and abide by the obligations normally imposed upon nation-states? And is there a solution available when the alleged violator is KFOR? KFOR is responsible for carrying out military tasks and for 'shouldering' UNMIK and local security forces in some civilian peace-building tasks. In the course of the exercise of its mandate, there were alleged complaints of human rights violations by KFOR. The legal implications of these alleged complaints against KFOR (in)actions will also be discussed.

Sigurnost je temeljni preduvjet opstanka, djelovanja i razvoja čovjeka, države i društva. Suvremene studije sigurnosti uključuju vojno, političko, socijetalno, gospodarsko i ekološko područje. Unatoč bitnom proširenju i produbljenju interesa, sigurnosne studije u područje interesa nisu uključile socijalnu sigurnost. U radu se propituju razlozi za teorijsko (ne)uključenje socijalne sigurnosti u suvremene sigurnosne studije. Analiza empirijskog činjeničnog obilja upućuje na zaključak o potrebi preispitivanja takvog stajališta. Socijalna sigurnost jest »sigurnosno područje«. Teorijski, analitički i empirijski u radu se dokazuje da socijalna sigurnost i njezini akteri imaju sigurnosne dimenzije zbog čega socijalna sigurnost treba biti dio sigurnosnih studija. ; Security is a fundamental prerequisite for existence, functioning and development of the human, state and society. The contemporary security studies include political, military, societal, economic and environmental sectors. In spite of the substantial widening and deepening of the approaches to security, social security is not included into security studies. This article critically examines the issues and reasons for the lack of inclusion of social security in the contemporary security studies. The analysis of abundant empirical facts suggests the need to reassess this view. This article theoretically, analytically and empirically proves that social security and its actors have a security dimension. Social security should be incorporated into security studies.

Značenje pojma sigurnosti kroz povijest se mijenjalo i širilo. Izazovi 21. stoljeća ne mogu se savladati ako se sigurnost ne prilagodi prijetnjama koje nemaju granicu. To je u prvom redu ekološka sigurnost koja je dugo bila zanemarivana. Ona je globalna pojava koja ne podliježe nacionalnim granicama. Države moraju uvrstiti pojam i pojavu ekološke sigurnosti u svoje sigurnosne sustave. Ukoliko to ne naprave, potrošiti će se resursi na prijetnje koje su samo fiktivne, a trajno se narušiti čovjekov okoliš. Zato se u radu istražuje transformacija sigurnosti do danas, te se onda gleda primjena i inkorporiranost ekološke sigurnosti u zakonima, sporazumima i drugim dokumentima. Za primjer analize uzeta je Republike Hrvatske i sve njene susjedne zemlje (Bosna i Hercegovina, Crna Gora, Italija, Mađarska, Slovenija i Srbija). Od svake zemlje analiziralo se zakonodavstvo i institucije koje su usko vezane uz sigurnost (npr. ministarstvo obrane, strategija nacionalne sigurnosti) i koje su vezane uz zaštitu okoliša (npr. ministarstvo okoliša, zakon o zaštiti okoliša). Rezultati su pokazali da ekološka sigurnost još uvijek nije dovoljno priznata. Za kraj, donosi se pregled suradnje Republike Hrvatske i susjednih zemalja u bilateralnom i multilateralnom obliku. Ekološka sigurnost je na nivou zajedničkih sporazuma slabo zastupljena. S druge strane, ima dosta regionalnih instrumenata koji se bave sigurnosti i ekološkom sigurnosti, ali upravo to zamagljuje odgovornosti i vrši mnoga dupliciranja i preklapanja. Ekološka sigurnost je još uvijek nepoznanica za većinu sigurnosnih sustava na području jugoistične Europe. Često se miješa sa zaštitom okoliša, pa je to postalo zamjena za nju. Ovaj rad je jedan od prvih prikaza Republike Hrvatske i svih susjednih zemalja, te njihove povezanosti na području ekološke sigurnosti, a ne isključivo "tradicionalne" sigurnosti. Sve zemlje obiluju prirodnim bogatstvima, pa je zato još važnije da se poradi na tom području. Budući da je ekološka sigurnost slabo zastupljena u sigurnosnom diskursu, ...

Migracijski val od 2014. do 2016. u kojem je velik broj djece i majki iz država Sjevernog trokuta na putu prema krajnjem odredištu SAD-u bio u tranzitu Meksikom okarakteriziran je krizom. Kriza je podrazumijevala postojanje prijetnje koja opravdava provođenje izvanrednih mjera. Teza rada je da pod utjecajem SAD-a Meksiko migrante u tranzitu smatra prijetnjom sigurnosti građanima Meksika, a ne ugroženim pripadnicima istoga kulturnoga kruga koje treba zaštititi. Stoga se prema njima ne odnosi u skladu s ciljem ljudske sigurnosti, već primjenjuje silu. Rad predstavlja studiju slučaja. U prvom odjeljku dani su prikaz vrsta migracija i poimanje migracija u kontekstu ljudske i građanske sigurnosti, dok su u drugom analizirani potisni i privlačni faktori migracija iz država Sjevernog trokuta. U trećem odjeljku prikazana je politika tranzitne države Meksika prema ilegalnim migrantima. U radu je izložen sud o migracijskoj politici Meksika prema migrantima u tranzitu. Zaključeno je da je iz perspektive ljudske sigurnosti politika bila »loša« jer je bila diskriminirajuća i u neskladu s kulturno-političkim kontekstom te moralnim i zakonskim normama. No gledano iz perspektive nacionalne sigurnosti politika je bila »dobra« jer je bila ostvariva, postigla je rezultate uz prihvatljiv trošak ljudi i sredstva i njome su obranjeni državni interesi Meksika – dobri odnosi sa SAD-om. ; This article will attempt to answer two questions; first, in what way did the Government of Mexico attempt to resolve the influx of a large number of migrants, children and family members, from the Northern Triangle countries (Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras) who were transiting Mexico on their way to the United States in the 2014–2016 period? Second, why have migrants continued to arrive even after the adoption of the Mexican Programa Frontera Sur (PFS) of 2014, which was supposed to resolve the migration crisis and put an end to arrests and deportation? At the same time, the article will try to assess, according to Haines (2013), whether the Mexican post-2014 migration policy has been "good" (in line with the political and cultural context, achievable and effective with acceptable costs of staff and resources), or "bad" (discriminatory and incompatible with existing moral and legal norms). The thesis of the article is that under the influence of the United States, Mexico is treating migrants in transit as a security threat, rather than as members of the same cultural circle who require protection. So, instead of helping them, Mexico uses coercion to suppress them. While traditional threats are endangering the survival of the state, new threats to the state are also endangering individuals. The article consists of an introduction, three sections and a conclusion. The first section will provide an explanation of the relationship between migration and security (traditional national security and human security). The second section analyses the pull-and-push factors of migration from the Northern Triangle countries. This is followed by Mexico's transit policy towards illegal migrants, which is discussed in the third section. Case study research was used as a methodological strategy. The migration wave in the 2014–2016 period, consisting of many children and mothers from the Northern Triangle states transiting through Mexico on their way to the United States, was characterised as a crisis. A crisis implies the existence of a threat justifying the imposition of extraordinary measures. The issue of migrants in transit through Mexico was no novelty. Since the late 1980s, under the pressure of the United States, Mexico has been deporting migrants in transit back to their countries of origin. As Mexico has increasingly associated with the United States, there has emerged a growing need for greater compliance with "American requirements" and for the understanding of "American fears" of illegal migrants. After 11 September 2001, the fear became almost paranoid. Mexican presidents Fox, Calderon, and Nieto brought about and implemented a restrictive migration policy in line with the US policy, according to which migrants posed a threat to national security. Although repeatedly emphasising its intention to protect the migrants in transit, Mexico militarised and securitised its migration policy. This was particularly apparent after the 2014 Frontera Sur programme, which applied the same methods – arrest, deportation and denial of asylum – to the vulnerable population of women and children who largely satisfied the criteria for refugee status recognition. The PFS emphasised the intent to protect migrants, to better manage border crossings and to create security and prosperity zones in the south of the country. However, after two years of the programme's implementation it can be concluded that none of the objectives above have been achieved. Indeed, migrants in transit are additionally exposed to strife, suffering, and violations of their fundamental human rights, both by criminal organisations and the forces of law and order. Therefore, their transit has become much more uncertain than it was before. At the same time, human rights are violated by the state of Mexico itself, which denies migrants the right to asylum or recognition of humanitarian visas. The border in the south of the country has not become more secure. That PFS complies with US interests is apparent from the fact that the United States is its main source of funding, since it has managed to link the combat against drugs and migrants in transit via the Merida Initiative. The question is why have migrants continued to arrive despite everything mentioned above? It was their hope that somehow, they would reach the USA or, in the worst case, remain in Mexico. The most elementary human right, the right to life, is endangered in the countries of the Northern Triangle. In addition to personal insecurity, there are other human security threats in Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador forcing the citizens to flee and emigrate from political, economic, environmental, and health and food insecurity. With everything being said, it is not easy to evaluate the Mexican migration policy. From a perspective of human security, it was "bad" because it was discriminatory and incompatible with the cultural and political context, as well as with moral and legal norms. Evaluated from a national security perspective, it was "good" because it was achievable, it has yielded results with an acceptable cost of staff and resources and has achieved state interests – good relations with the United States. At the same time, it is one of the tools Mexico can use in the future if Trump should decide against Mexican interests (significant taxing of Mexican products or deporting the many Mexican citizens illegally residing in the United States). Since Mexico, Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador belong to the same cultural (historical, religious and linguistic circle), it was presumed that Mexico would pursue a policy that favours migrants and their protection; however, that did not happen. The authors agree with Kimball (2007: 140) that in the long run, Mexico will not be able to simultaneously advocate and implement both the pro- and anti-immigrant policy. The problem of the migrant wave, mostly consisting of mothers and children from the Northern Triangle countries, who were in transit through Mexico during 2014–2016, was attempted to be resolved via securitisation rather than care about their security. Castles de Haas and Miller (2014: 5) state that in the case of Mexico, there is a proliferation of migration transition, since it is turning from an emigration into an immigration country. To be more specific, with Trump coming to power, Mexico is increasingly not just a transit country, but also an ultimate destination country. Trump's immigration policy regarding immigrants from Central America suffers from deep historical amnesia related to the role of the USA in the Central American conflict of the 1980s, which has significantly destabilised the region. Moreover, Trump denounces and demonises as dangerous criminals the families, women and children, who have fled from violence contributed to by the USA (Portillo Villeda and Miklos, 2017: 53–54). This is one of the reasons the number of arrested migrants from Central America on the southern border of the United States has significantly decreased, but the number of asylum seekers in Mexico has increased threefold. There is a hope that new Mexican president Andrés Manuel López Obrador would perceive vulnerable Northern Triangle migrants more as a threat to human rather than national security.

S obzirom da je terorizam poslednjih godina prerastao u globalnu pretnju bezbednosti i alarmantnu vrstu nasilja u savremenom svetu, utvrđivanje njegove strukture, sadržine i uzroka, jedan je od ciljeva političkih, pravnih i bezbednosnih nauka. Terorizam u osnovi predstavlja istorijsku pojavu, koja je stara koliko i sama država, mada se često posmatra kao fenomen savremenog ljudskog društva. Međutim, savremeni oblici terorizma imaju sasvim novu dimenziju koja proističe iz različitih istorijskih, društvenoekonomskih i političkih razloga, kao i iz razvoja nauke i tehnologije.Iako terorizam predstavlja pošast savremenog civilizacijskog poretka, još uvek ne postoji jedna opšteprihvaćena i univerzalna definicija terorizma, s obzirom da sam pojam terorizam nije lako definisati. Terorizam ima mnoštvo pojavnih oblika, pa ga, sem složenosti, karakteriše i promenljivost. Značenje reči terorizam menjalo se tokom istorije, kako bi se prilagodilo riziku svakog narednog perioda, stoga nije nimalo iznenađujuće što je veoma teško odrediti trajniju definiciju ovog pojma. Takođe, jedan od razloga je što politika koju vode moćne države ima dvostruke standarde, a neke od njih čak koriste terorizam kako bi izazvale sukobe i nestabilnost u određenom regionu, ali bez učešća sopstvenih vojnih snaga. --- Given that terrorism in recent years has grown into a global threat to security and alarming form of violence in the modern world, the determination of its structure, content and causes, is one of the aims of political, legal and security studies. Terrorism is essentially an historical phenomenon that is as old as the state itself, although it is often seen as a phenomenon of human society. However, the current forms of terrorism are completely new dimension arising from different historical, socio-economic and political reasons, as well as the development of science and technology.Although scourge of terrorism is a modern civilized order, there is not yet a generally accepted and universal definition of terrorism, as the notion of terrorism is not easy to define. Terrorism has many forms, and it is, except the complexity, characterized with variability of the features. The meaning of terrorism changed the course of history, in order to accommodate the risk of any subsequent period, so it is not surprising that it is very difficult to determine the lasting definition of the term. Also, one of the reasons is that the politics of the powerful states has a double standard, and some of them even use terrorism to avoid potential conflicts and instability in a particular region, but without the involvement of its own military forces.

Ovaj diplomski rad pruža svojevrstan pregled razvoja sigurnosne i antiterorističke politike EU temeljene na idejama manjeg zla, ravnoteže i trgovanja između slobode i sigurnosti, uz analizu samih ideja. Analizirajući izvanrednost sigurnosne politike EU s jedne, te terorizma kao glavnog izazova sigurnosti EU (uz etničke sukobe) s druge strane, u radu se prikazuju određene proturječnosti sigurnosnih mjera EU utemeljenih na ideji ravnoteže sigurnosti i slobode. Proturječnosti su vidljive, ne toliko u smislu neprestanog pozivanja na nužnost i važnost očuvanja sigurnosti i slobode i paralelnom ograničavanju istih, koliko u smislu ograničavanja ili ukidanje ljudskih prava i sloboda kao načina podizanja općeg stanja sigurnosti bez pružanja konkretnih procjena o učinkovitosti istih, bez stvarnih jamstava ili dokaza o postizanja sigurnosnih uspjeha. Europska integracija počiva na vrijednostima mira, slobode, jednakosti i tolerancije od samih svojih početaka. U kompleksnosti odnosa europskih liberalnih vrijednosti i ciljeva s jedne, te sigurnosne nužnosti i opravdanja s druge strane, ovaj rad svoju tezu temelji na nekoliko primjera ograničavanja temeljnih ljudskih i građanskih sloboda. Građanska prava koja se obrađuju temelje se na Ugovoru iz Maastrichta, dok se ljudska prava temelje se na Europskoj konvenciji o ljudskim pravima. Kada se govori o postizanju, povećanju ili ugrozi sigurnosti, sigurnost se definira kao (I.) "Sigurnost kao stanje osjećaja zbrinutosti i smirenosti, slobode od straha ili tjeskobe" i (II) "Sigurnost kao poduzimanje mjera i postupaka s ciljem poboljšanja sigurnosti države ili organizacije". Europska sigurnost je shvaćena kao strategija vrlo bliska konceptu europskog identiteta tj. kao artikulacija zajedničkih europskih vrijednosti i interesa. ; This master's thesis provides an unique overview of the development of security and counter-terrorism policies of the EU based on the ideas of the lesser evil, balance and tradeoffs between freedom and security, along with an analysis of the ideas ...

Trgovina ljudima ili trafficking vrsta je transnacionalnog organiziranog kriminala koja je jako profitabilna i vrlo ju je teško iskorijeniti. Utječe na živote i sigurnost brojnih ljudi diljem svijeta, pa tako i građana Europske Unije. Ovaj rad bavi se trgovinom ljudima u svrhu prostitucije jer je seksualna eksploatacija prepoznata kao najčešći oblik eksploatacije žrtvi trafficking-a. Istražuje se relevantna legislacija o trgovini ljudima za EU, obuhvaćajući direktive Unije, konvencije Ujedinjenih naroda i Vijeća Europe te se daje pregled djelovanja FRONTEX-a i EUROPOL-a kao agencija Europske Unije koje djeluju u svrhu suzbijanja te pojave. Na kraju se sagledava tri modela zakonske regulacije prostitucije prisutne u tri države članice Unije: abolicionističke u Švedskoj, legalizacije u Nizozemskoj te prohibicionističke u Hrvatskoj. Cilj rada jest otkriti kako koji od tih modela utječe na vidljivost trgovine ljudima u svrhu prostitucije, na što je teško jasno odgovoriti zbog činjenice da je opseg ukupne trgovine ljudima nemoguće saznati zbog njenog ilegalnog karaktera i poteškoća u stvaranju konzistentne i kvalitetne zajedničke međunrodne baze podataka o ovoj pojavi. ; Trafficking in human beings is a highly profitable transnational organized crime activity that is difficult to eradicate. It makes an impact on the lives and safety of many people around the world, including the citizens of the European Union. This paper deals with trafficking in human beings for the purpose of prostitution because sexual exploitation is recognized as the most common form of exploitation of the victims of trafficking. This paper researches the relevant EU legislation on trafficking in human beings, including the EU Directives, the UN Convention and the Council of Europe Convention. It also reviews the work of FRONTEX and EUROPOL as European Union agencies acting to counteract phenomenon of trafficking. Finally, three models of legal regulation of prostitution which are present in three EU member states are being considered: ...

Tradicionalna hipoteza životnog ciklusa vjeruje da starenje stanovništva ne samo da smanjuje razinu društvene štednje, već negativno utječe i na gospodarski rast. Međutim, čimbenik ljudskih kapitala može promijeniti mehanizam utjecaja na promjene strukture stanovništva. Ova studija pokušava se usredotočiti na specifičan čimbenik poboljšanja zdravih ljudskih kapitala (HHC), endogenim tretmanom stope plodnosti i stope preživljavanja, s obzirom na očekivanu starosnu dob racionalnog pojedinca, kako bi se, de facto, istražio njegov utjecaj na stopu štednje i gospodarski rast uz primjenu panel podataka među-provincija Kine od 1996. do 2012. godine u cilju provjere inherente logičke veze između brzog poboljšanja HHC-a i modela "visokog rasta s visokim uštedama". Rezultati ovog istraživanja su sljedeći: poboljšanje HHC-a važan je čimbenik koji utječe na povećanje stope štednje i gospodarski rast Kine u odgovarajućem razdoblju. To znači da je poboljšanje HHC-a dovoljno da promijeni mehanizam makro-učinaka demografskih promjena, te stoga pruža ključna sredstva za dugoročnu regulaciju i kontrolu koja su izvan okvira natalitetne politike. Među njima značajnu pozornost zaslužuju promicanje javnog upravljanja zaštitom okoliša, poboljšanje sustava socijalne sigurnosti, jačanje individualnih očekivanja u svezi zdravlja i poticanje očekivanog obrasca starenja stanovništva uz postizanje povezanosti s ulaganjima u obrazovni ljudski kapital. ; The traditional life cycle hypothesis believes that the aging of population will not only drag down the level of social savings, but also adversely affect economic growth. However, the human capital factor may change the influence mechanism of population structure change. This study attempts to focus on a specific factor of improving healthy human capital (HHC), through endogenous treatment of fertility rate and survival rate, considering the aging expectation of rational man, to explore its effect de facto on savings rate and economic growth while using the inter-provincial panel data of China from 1996 to 2012 to verify the inherent logical relationship between the rapid improvement of HHC and the "high savings-high growth" model. The findings of this research are as follows: The improvement of HHC is an important factor to improve China's savings rate and economic growth in corresponding period. It means that the improvement of HHC is enough to alter the mechanism of macro-impact of demographic changes, and therefore constitutes a crucial long-term regulation and control means outside the adjustment of birth policy. Among them, promoting public environmental governance, improving the social security system, strengthening individual expectations for health and driving the expected behavior of aging while achieving linkages with investment in educational human capital are worthy of attention.

U suvremenom zapadnom društvu terorizam je postao kulturalni simbol straha te je samim time postao referentni okvir za evaluaciju bilo kakvih drugih oblika ugroze ljudskoj sigurnosti. Pokušaji donošenja univerzalne definicije terorizma nikada nisu rezultirali uspjehom, a razlog tomu je njegova situacijska i pejorativna priroda te preklapanje s drugim formama političkog nasilja (gerilsko ratovanje, pobune i slično). Na tom tragu, prikazivanje određenih fenomena i događaja kao terorističkih može biti stvar subjektivne konstrukcije značenja tog pojma. Stoga je u ovom radu, uz metodu kritičke analize diskursa protuterorističkih strategija Europske unije i Sjedinjenih Američkih Država, prikazano kako se konstruira strah od terorizma u kolektivnoj svijesti zapadnog društva, te su komparativnom analizom utvrđene sličnosti i razlike u provođenju politike straha od strane zapadnih političkih elita. Rezultati analiza ukazuju kako se prikaz prijetnje koju terorizam predstavlja zapadnom svijetu ne temelji na činjenicama, nego na zamišljanju najgorih mogućih ishodišnih scenarija terorističkih napada. ; Terrorism has become a cultural symbol of fear in contemporary Western society and therefore a frame of reference for evaluation of any other type of threat to human security. Attempts to universally define terrorism have never been succesful because of its situational and pejorative nature and overlap with other forms of political violence (guerilla warfare, insurgency etc.). Consequently, representation of certain phenomena and events as terrorist can be a matter of subjective construction. Therefore, by applying method of critical discourse analysis to counterterrorism strategies of the European Union and the United States of America, it is shown how the fear of terrorism in collective consciousness of Western society is constructed. In addition, comparative analysis method shows similarities and differences in conduction of politics of fear by western political elites. Results of analysis indicate that the representation of terrorist threat to Western society is based not on facts but on imagining worst-case scenarios of terrorist attack.

Upotreba dronova u smrtonosnim operacijama ciljanih ubojstava dovela je do povećane kontroverze i zanimanja javnosti. U ovom radu nastojat ćemo prikazati glavne etičke implikacije upotrebe dronova u ciljanim ubojstvima terorista. U promišljanju o etičnosti upotrebe dronova analizirat ćemo stavove pristaša i protivnika. Osnovna teza odnosi se na pretpostavku da upotreba dronova u ratu protiv terorizma predstavlja veliku opasnost za međunarodnu sigurnost, ljudska prava i demokraciju te ima snažne etičke implikacije. Očekivani je znanstveni doprinos rada u ukazivanju na mnogobrojne etičke probleme koji leže u upotrebi dronova u ciljanim ubojstvima terorista. ; The use of drones in the deadly operations of targeted killings has led to the increased controversies, and public interest. In this article we will try to show main ethical implications of the use of drones in the targeted killings of terrorists. Considering the ethics of the use of drones, we will analyze the views of supporters and opponents, which are diametrically opposed. The main thesis refers to the assumption that the use of drones in the war against terrorism represents a great danger to international security, human rights and democracy, and has strong ethical implications. The expected contribution of this paper is pointing out many ethical problems provoked by the use of drones in the targeted killings of terrorists.

Rad se bavi prikazom položaja kurdske manjine u Turskoj te nastoji istražiti mogućnosti rješenja kurdskog pitanja s obzirom na okolnosti, unutarnje i vanjske, kroz koje je Turska prolazila i koje danas oblikuju političku situaciju te države. Cilj je procijeniti perspektivu za rješavanjem kurdskog problema s obzirom na interpretaciju istog od strane turskih vlasti kao vodećeg izazova za nacionalnu sigurnost. Nadalje, navođenjem i analizom faktora koji se pokazuju ključnim u oblikovanju politike vlasti prema Kurdima, rad opisuje status kurdskog pitanja kao ugroze turskog identiteta i sigurnosti. Isto tako, nastoji pokazati potencijale za drugačijim pristupom tematiziranom problemu. Promotrivši sve činitelje, njihova preklapanja, pozitivne i negativne učinke, u konačnici se ispostavlja kako trenutno ne postoji perspektiva za boljim položajem Kurda u Turskoj, na koje će se i dalje gledati kao na vodeću prijetnju unutarnjoj sigurnosti države. Razlozi tome zaključku su slabosti turskog političkog sustava u obliku nedostatka demokratskih vrijednosti, terorističke prijetnje PKK i Islamske države, regionalnih sukoba i nedostatka pozitivnog utjecaja iz međunarodne sfere. Prema svemu navedenom, mogućnost rješenja pitanja Kurda ostaje neostvarena. ; This paper presents the condition of Kurdish minority in Turkey and attempts to explore the possibilities of finding solution to the Kurdish question regarding the circumstances, internal and external, through which Turkey went through and which mold the political situation in that country today. The goal is to estimate a perspective for finding a solution to the Kurdish issue considering the interpretation of the same from Turkish government as a leading national security challenge. Furthermore, through listing and analysis of key factors in shaping government's policy towards the Kurds, this paper describes the status of Kurdish issue as a threat to Turkish identity and security. Also, it attempts to manifest potentials for a different approach to the question at hand. By ...

Na temelju socijalnog institucionalizma i promatrajući neutralnosti iz političke perspektive, ovaj članak istražuje domaće političke rasprave o neutralnosti u Austriji, Švedskoj i Finskoj. Cilj je bio odgovoriti na pitanje kako su se njihovi koncepti neutralnosti rekonceptualizirali u odnosu na europske norme mira, demokracije, slobode, ljudskih prava i vladavine prava tijekom aplikacije za članstvo u EZ/EU . U austrijskom slučaju, neutralnost je uokvirena da bude kompatibilna s članstvom. Međutim, unatoč sličnim normama, švedska neutralnost nije bila prilagodljiva s europskim normama, zbog nacionalne autonomije i iznimne povezanosti s neutralnošću. Konačno, finska neutralnost, prije svega zamišljena i razvijena radi sigurnosnog interesa, nije redefinirana u odnosu s europskim normama, već se smatra sigurnosnim alatom koji bi bio napušten kada bi nestala prijetnja s istoka, kako bi se u potpunosti integrirali sa zapadnom Europom. Ovaj članak dolazi do zaključka da neutralnost nije samo pitanje sigurnosti, već je povezana s kulturnom dimenzijom, što rezultira različitim odnosom naspram europskih normi, otkuda potječu različita tumačenja neutralnosti. To bi u budućnosti moglo imati određene implikacije na uloge tih zemalja u zajedničkoj vanjskoj i sigurnosnoj politici. ; Based on sociological institutionalism and approaching neutrality from a political perspective, this article investigates domestic political debates on neutrality in Austria, Sweden and Finland. The aim was to answer the question how their concepts of neutrality were reconceptualised in relation to European norms of peace, democracy, liberty, human rights and rule of law during their EC/EU membership applications. In the Austrian case, neutrality was framed to be compatible with membership due to its same embedded normative aspects as the European norms. However, despite similar norms, Swedish neutrality was not argued to be adaptable to the European norms because of the notion of national autonomy and exceptionalism associated with neutrality. Finally, Finnish neutrality, first and foremost conceived and develop ed out of security concern, was not redefined with reference to European norms as such, but rather considered a security tool to be abandoned once the threat from the East disappeared in order to get fully integrated with the Western Europe. This article comes to the conclusion that neutrality is not merely a matter of security, but also embedded with cultural dimension, resulting in different reactions with European norms, hence different interpretations of neutrality. This would in the future have a certain implication on those countries' roles in the Common Foreign and Security Policy.

Razvoj ljudske civilizacije usko je povezan s korištenjem energije i njezinih mnogostrukih izvora. Od doba ranih hominida na planetu, prije sedam milijuna godina, pa do sadašnjeg homo sapiens sapiens, energija je bila osnovni čimbenik opstanka vrste. Crkva općenito, a posebice kroz svoj socijalni nauk pokazuje posebno zanimanje za pitanja cjelovitog ljudskog razvoja, pa je tako predmet njezina razmatranja i pitanje energije, kao iznimnog izazova za pravdu, sigurnost i mir u svijetu. S pitanjem globalne energetike bave se izravno pape Ivan Pavao II., Benedikt XVI. i Franjo, svjesni da ono spada u iznimno bitne znakove vremena, koje treba pretpostavljati, čitati i tumačiti u svjetlu evanđeoske mudrosti. Ipak, problematika energije, odnosno energetskog sustava, još uvijek je jedno zanemareno globalno pitanje današnjice, iako je iznimno bitan čimbenik za cjelovit razvoj i ljudsko dostojanstvo. ; The development of human civilization is closely related to the use of energy and of its multiple sources. From the time of the early hominoids on the planet, seven million years ago, to the present homo sapiens sapiens, energy has been a basic factor affecting the survival of the species. Generally speaking and particularly through her Social Doctrine, the Church demonstrates a special interest in issues concerning integral human development. Thus, the energy issue is also deemed a subject to be dealt with by the Church since it is an exceptional challenge for the purposes of justice, security and peace in the world. Popes John Paul II, Benedict XVI and Francis all have concerned themselves with the question of global energy, being aware that this is an extremely important sign of the times which must be understood, read and interpreted in the light of evangelical wisdom. Nevertheless, matters concerning energy and the energy system are today still a neglected global issue, though an immensely important factor affecting integral development and human dignity.

Članak donosi pregled ključnih pitanja vezanih za vanjsku politiku i teorije vanjske politike u širem kontekstu političke znanosti. Raspravljajući o izvorima i razvoju analize vanjske politike, kao i znanstvenim radovima na tu temu, autorica utvrđuje da analiza vanjske politike danas obuhvaća cijeli niz teorijskih pristupa i modela. Zajedničko im je razumijevanje da se ishodi vanjske politike ne mogu u potpunosti razumjeti ako se analiza ograniči na razinu cijelog sustava. Nadalje, rad konceptualizira vanjsku politiku kroz njezinu usporedbu s drugim tipovima policyja. Iako se u razdoblju Hladnoga rata vanjska politika poistovjećivala s vanjskom sigurnosnom politikom, autorica naglašava da je u današnjem globaliziranom svijetu sigurnosna politika tek jedna od njezinih dimenzija. Vanjska je politika proširila svoj opseg pa obuhvaća brojna druga pitanja, poput trgovine, ljudskih prava i okoliša. Sve veći broj unutarnjopolitičkih, međunarodnih i transnacionalnih pitanja, zainteresiranih aktera i doprinosa procesu stvaranja vanjske politike čini formulaciju i provedbu koherentne vanjske politike izazovnom zadaćom. ; This paper provides an overview of key issues related to foreign policy and foreign policy theories in the wider context of political science. Discussing the origins and development of foreign policy analysis (FPA), as well as scholarly work produced over time, it argues that today FPA encompasses a variety of theoretical approaches, models and tools. These share the understanding that foreign policy outputs cannot be fully explained if analysis is confined to the systemic level. Furthermore, this paper conceptualizes foreign policy by comparing it to other types of policy. Although during the Cold War period foreign policy was equated with foreign security policy, in today's world, security policy is only one dimension. Foreign policy's scope has expanded to cover other issues such as trade, human rights and the environment. The growing number of domestic, international and transnational issues, ...