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An at-a-glance illustrated guide to global and regional trends in human insecurity, the miniAtlas provides a succinct introduction to today's most pressing security challenges. It maps political violence, the links between poverty and conflict, assaults on human rights including the use of child soldiers and the causes of war and peace.

Zarówno human security (bezpieczeństwo jednostki ludzkiej), jak i dyplomacja publiczna są poddawane krytyce za brak precyzji. Obie te kategorie należą do obszaru polityki zagranicznej. Artykuł dotyczy zależności między dyplomacją publiczną a human security w dziedzinie polityki zagranicznej. Po pierwsze, dokonano przeglądu definicji human security, wyodrębniając trzy ich główne grupy. Po drugie, wyjaśniono pojęcie dyplomacji publicznej, wskazując na ewolucję "klasycznej" dyplomacji i jej funkcji. Wreszcie zbadano użyteczność dyplomacji publicznej do promocji human security na forum międzynarodowym. W tym celu przeanalizowano studia przypadków polityki Japonii i Kanady, wiodących zwolenników human security. Główne pytanie dotyczy tego, czy dyplomacja publiczna i jej nowoczesne narzędzia, takie jak technologie cyfrowe, są wykorzystywane do rozpowszechniania założeń human security na forum międzynarodowym. Przyjęto, że human security, jako oficjalna polityka w państwach, które je promują, jest upowszechniane środkami dyplomacji publicznej. W celu sprawdzenia tego twierdzenia zbadano stanowiska Japonii i Kanady w omawianym zakresie. ; Both human security and public diplomacy have been openly criticised for their lack of precision. They also both belong to the area of foreign policy. This paper deals with the interplay between public diplomacy and human security in the field of foreign policy. First, definitions of human security are reviewed, and three main groups of definitions of this term are provided. Second, the concept of public diplomacy is explained, emphasising the evolution of "classic" diplomacy and its functions. The final part of the paper looks at the relevance of public diplomacy to the promotion of human security. To do so, case studies of policies of the two main human security supporters, Japan and Canada, have been scrutinised. The main research question posed is whether public diplomacy, and its modern tools such as digital technologies, is used to spread human security values abroad. The key point is that human security – an official policy of the states that affirm it – is promoted through public diplomacy abroad. To verify this claim, the author has looked at the positions of Japan and Canada in this respect. ; Sowohl human security als auch die Public Diplomacy werden für ihren Mangel an Präzision kritisiert. Beide Kategorien gehören zum Gebiet der Außenpolitik. Der Artikel behandelt das Zusammenspiel zwischen Public Diplomacy und human security auf dem Gebiet der Außenpolitik. Erstens wurden Definitionen von human security betrachtet und in drei Hauptgruppen unterschieden. Zweitens wurde der Begriff der Public Diplomacy mit Hinweis auf die Evolution der "klassischen" Diplomatie und ihrer Funktion erklärt. Der letzte Teil dieses Paper betrachtet die Relevanz von Public Diplomacy für die Förderung von human security. Zu diesem Zweck wurden in Fallstudien die Politik von Japan und Kanada, der zwei wichtigsten Befürworter, geprüft. Die zentrale Forschungsfrage ist, ob Public Diplomany und ihre modernen Werkzeuge, wie die Digitaltechniken, zur Verbreitung von human security international genutzt werden. Das Hauptargument lautet, dass human security als offizielle Politik der Staaten, die diese Politik fördern, durch Public Diplomacy international verbreitet wird. Zur Überprüfung dieser Behauptung wurden die Haltungen von Japan und Kanada in diesem Bereich untersucht. ; Human security (безопасность человека, безопасность личности) и общественная дипломатия подвергаются критике из-за отсутствия точности определения. Обе эти категории относятся к области внешней политики. В статье рассмотрена взаи- мосвязь между общественной дипломатией и human security в области внешней политики. Во-первых, были рассмотрены существующие определения human security и выделены три их основные группы. Во-вторых, объяснено понятие об- щественной дипломатии и прослежена эволюция «классической» дипломатии и ее функций. Наконец, было исследовано влияние общественной дипломатии на распространение human security на международной арене. С этой целью были проанализированы выбранные действия Японии и Канады – двух ключевых сто- ронников human security. Главный вопрос заключается в том, как используется об- щественная дипломатия и ее современные инструменты (напр. цифровые тех- нологии) для распространения human security на международном форуме. Было выдвинуто предположение, что human security, как официальная политика госу- дарств, которые ее продвигают, распространяется с использованием средств об- щественной дипломатии. Чтобы проверить это предположение, были изучены позиции Японии и Канады в исследуемой области.

The Covid-19 pandemic has exposed a turbulent world of inequality, failing states, crime, violence, racism and authoritarianism. But it has also opened up the practical possibilities of human security – the notion that governments and international institutions take responsibility for the wellbeing of individuals and the communities in which they live, protecting them from global ills such as Covid-19 and ensuring both material security (safety from poverty and deprivation) and physical security (safety from violence and crime). My focus on this essay is on physical security, and, in particular, how to address the problems that contemporary war inflicts upon individuals and communities. Of course, physical and material security are intimately connected. Poverty, inequality, and deprivation are undoubtedly a cause of violence and crime and, by the same token, violence accentuates precarity. But while solving the problems of material redistribution could well reduce the incentives for violence, this is extremely difficult to achieve in violent contexts where the warring parties control the flow of resources. Thus, finding ways to mitigate violence is often a precondition for material security. In this essay, I outline an understanding of human security as a tool for reducing violent conflict.

Research within security studies has struggled to determine whether infectious disease (ID) represents an existential threat to national and international security. With the emergence of SARS-CoV-2 (COVID-19), it is imperative to reexamine the relationship between ID and global security. This article addresses the specific threat to security from COVID-19, asking, "Is COVID-19 a threat to national and international security?" To investigate this question, this article uses two theoretical approaches: human security and biosecurity. It argues that COVID-19 is a threat to global security by the ontological crisis posed to individuals through human security theory and through high politics, as evidenced by biosecurity. By viewing security threats through the lens of the individual and the state, it becomes clear that ID should be considered an international security threat. This article examines the relevant literature and applies the theoretical framework to a case study analysis focused on the United States.

In Kosovo, the concept of human security is invoked in a three-fold manner. First of all, the international community has applied human security for the purpose of maintaining a fragile peace and stability in Kosovo. For the international community, maintaining the fragile peace meant tolerating the establishment and operationalization of Serbian parallel institutions. This leads to the second application of human security: the parallel institutions claim that their existence is necessary to provide human security for the Serbian community in Kosovo. Consequently, this undermines the capacity of Kosovo's public institutions to exercise legal authority in the north of Kosovo and in other territorial enclaves. Parallel to this, Kosovo's institutions have viewed the human security approach as a means to prove the institutional capacity of independent self-government to provide inclusive security, welfare, and integration policies for all people in Kosovo, with a special emphasis on ethnic minorities. Accordingly, human security is used by different actors in Kosovo to pursue different political agendas, which have not resulted in achieving the primary goal of furthering human welfare and fulfilment beyond mere physical security. To the contrary, the (ab)use of human security has created the conditions for fragile governance, protracted ethnic destabilization, and stagnating economic and human development.

The Covid-19 pandemic has exposed a turbulent world of inequality, failing states, crime, violence, racism and authoritarianism. But it has also opened up the practical possibilities of human security – the notion that governments and international institutions take responsibility for the wellbeing of individuals and the communities in which they live, protecting them from global ills such as Covid-19 and ensuring both material security (safety from poverty and deprivation) and physical security (safety from violence and crime). My focus on this essay is on physical security, and, in particular, how to address the problems that contemporary war inflicts upon individuals and communities. Of course, physical and material security are intimately connected. Poverty, inequality, and deprivation are undoubtedly a cause of violence and crime and, by the same token, violence accentuates precarity. But while solving the problems of material redistribution could well reduce the incentives for violence, this is extremely difficult to achieve in violent contexts where the warring parties control the flow of resources. Thus, finding ways to mitigate violence is often a precondition for material security. In this essay, I outline an understanding of human security as a tool for reducing violent conflict.

OZET İnsan güvenliği, oldukça tartışmalı ve son zamanlarda uluslararası güvenlik alanında yeniden önem kazanmış bir kavramdır. Kavramın kendisi yeni olmamasına rağmen uluslararası çevrede meydana gelen değişiklikler kavramı hem akademik düzeyde hem de siyasal düzeyde yeniden tartışmaya açmıştır. Kavram, genel olarak BM'nin yapmış olduğu insanların temel özgürlükleri ve korunmaları ekseninde tanımlanmıştır. Buna göre, yokluktan arî olmak ve korkudan arî olmak gibi iki temel özgürlük ekseninde beliren kavram, birinci tanımlamada kalkınma ekseninde ikinci tanımlamada ise saldırı ve tehdit unsurlarından korunma olarak ifade edilmiştir. Bu tezin temel argümanı, öncelik insan güvenliği kavramının 'yokluktan arî olma' kısmına verildiğinde- ki bu insan onuru, insan yaşamının devamı ve insan potansiyelinin geliştirilmesi anlamına gelmektedir- Avrupa Birliği (AB) kalkınma ekseninde gerçekleştirdiği çalışmalar neticesinde uluslararası arenada insan güvenliği konusunda uluslararası işbirliğini sağlayabilecek küresel bir lider konumundadır. Kısaca söylemek gerekirse, AB'nin insani kalkınma konusunda yıllarca gösterdiği çabalar, özellikle insan haklarına saygı, demokratikleşme, liberalizasyon, hukukun üstünlüğü, iyi yönetişim ve çevresel koruma gibi alanlarda başarılı bir örnek olarak görülmektedir. Ancak, insan hayatına yönelik ani ve tahmin edilemez tehditler karşısında bir başka deyişle insan güvenliğinin 'korkudan ari olma' kısmında ise AB nispeten zayıf ve daha az aktif bir aktör olarak değerlendirilmektedir. Bu nedenle özellikle kriz yönetimi ve kriz anlarında anında müdahale gibi konularda AB'nin Avrupa Güvenlik ve Savunma Politikası (AGSP) ve Ortak Güvenlik ve Savunma Politikası (OGSP) alanlarında kapasitesini iyileştirmesi gerekmektedir. ABSTRACTHuman security is a highly debated concept which has recently regained attention in the international security agenda. The concept itself is not a new one; however the changes in the international environment made the concept to be re-interpreted and discussed thoroughly both at the academic and the political level. The concept is mainly identified through the UN definition of the basic freedoms for the protection and empowerment of individuals. There are two main components of the human security; the freedom from want and freedom from fear. While the first one mainly deals with the development aspect of human beings and the latter is all about the protection of individuals from vital and pervasive threats. The main argument of this thesis is that when the prior attention is given mostly to the 'freedom from want' part of human security, the support of human dignity, human survival and increasing of human potential and human betterment, the EU in the field of development can be a leading actor in order to stimulate international support. Thus, it is argued that for many years that the EU has shown a great endeavour to sustain and spread the values that it appreciates the most for human development, such as the respect for human rights, democracy, liberalisation, good governance, the rule of law and environmental protection. However, it can also be argued that the EU is rather less active in the field of 'freedom from fear' which is mostly related with the sudden and pervasive threats to the human lives. There are many efforts are needed under the CFSP and ESDP pillars to improve the EU's role in the 'freedom from fear' aspect of human security.

This paper discusses the relationship between the ethnic nature of modern multicultural societies and the public security. Security is a human right, and providing it is essential for protecting the life, dignity and freedom of citizens. Requests for the protection and equality of ethno-cultural identities and the creation of social relations in which ethnic and cultural differences are not a stability barrier, arise from the people's needs for not only their personal and civil rights, but also group and cultural rights. In an effort to recognize the requirements for the protection of ethno-cultural identity and thus provide stability and development, the modern liberal state has redefined the paradigm of ethno-cultural neutrality and through the process of globalization developed a policy for "reducing cultural differences" whose main levers are the principles of equality, tolerance and respect for diversity. The responses of nation-states to the challenges of multiculturalism in the 21st century differ vastly among themselves: from the acceptance of the idea of human security in the immediate multicultural environment as the basis for development; through recognition of different forms of autonomy and self-government of national minorities; to the sharp opposition to the demands of the minorities for the secession or recognition of political autonomy of the ethnically homogeneous areas within the modern state. Contemporary politics of multiculturalism, that have been roughly criticized by the heads of the "Western democracy" states at the beginning of 21st century, are marked with the fear of terrorism, fear and misunderstanding of Islam and the syndrome that "the colonies colonized colonizers" (highly increased number of the immigrants from the former colonies in Africa and Asia in the European countries). Western Balkan countries, after a period political ethnification and ethnic conflicts at the end of the last century, have specific policies of monocultural multiculturalism" as the answer to the challenges ...

The concept of human security entered the doctrinal debate since it was first recalled in the 1994 United Nations Development Programme report on Human Development. As 'a shifting and bridging concept', the notion has the merit to emphasize that State security has no longer solely a military dimension, but also economic, environmental and health components. In particular, biodiversity is the foundation of human health, since it implies food security, regulation and control of infectious diseases and also provides relevant and undiscovered resources for medical research. Specific relevance is attached to marine genetic resources (MGRs) of the deep seabed and the adjacent water column due to their ability to survive in extreme conditions, which make them particularly suitable as a source of new drugs and for the role they can play in the so-called carbon cycle. Deep-sea MGRs mostly live in a symbiotic way with mineral resources of the seabed, ocean floors and subsoils beyond national jurisdiction (the Area), of whose growth they are responsible, as it is the case for hydrothermal vents and polymetallic sulfides deposits. The protection of MGRs in both the Area and the High Seas has long been discussed under the existing framework of the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS or the Convention) and some legal gaps have been identified. While an Intergovernmental Conference has been convened to conclude a legally binding instrument under the UNCLOS for the conservation and sustainable use of marine biological diversity of areas beyond national jurisdiction, in the light of its uncertain outcomes this paper will focus on how the International Seabed Authority (ISA or the Authority) could ensure the protection of MGRs under the Convention's applicable legal framework. The most relevant provision in this regard is article 145 of the UNCLOS which, aside from requiring the ISA to adopt measures aimed at preventing, reducing and controlling pollution and hazards to the Area, also entrusts the Authority to hinder any damage to the flora and fauna of the marine environment at large which might arise from the exploration and exploitation of the mineral resources. Although it is clear that the Authority is mainly and foremost the organization through which State parties organize and control their activities related to the minerals of the Area, it is debated whether the Authority already has any general competence with regard to the protection of MGRs of the Area and the related water column. In fact, on the one hand, the ISA, sticking to the vertical division of the ocean spaces provided by the UNCLOS, could eventually exercise its environmental mandate on MGRs only in the context of the hazardous activities conducted under Part XI of the Convention and, ratione loci, only with regard to the Area and its mineral resources. On the other hand, the reasonableness of the existing boundaries between the Area and its adjacent water column is questionable as an ecosystem approach would be preferred by reason of the interdependence of the biodiversity services of a given area, whatever the conducted activity. This paper will argue that the ecosystem approach, which is widely recognised as a guiding principle under International Environmental Law, and that is even recalled in the preamble of the UNCLOS, would represent the best option in the interest of the biological integrity and human security. The pivotal role already played by the Authority in the field will be demonstrated by referring to its current contribution to the protection of the marine environment through its prescriptive and enforcement powers and by taking into account its law-making and practice. For instance, through its Regional Environmental Management Plan for the Clarion-Clipperton zone, the ISA has identified some Areas of Particular Environmental Interest, which are de facto marine protected areas aimed at granting the preservation of the living resources of the seabed and the water column of one of the rarest biological communities of the oceans. Since the ISA is the only global institution that is currently ensuring a certain protection to MGRs, the clear recognition of its wider environmental mandate in the field would prove the most immediate and suitable solution for their effective preservation, as the Authority owns comprehensive information on the mainly unknown biological deep-sea communities. This would also prevent that, while contractors for mining operations are required to stick to increasingly stringent environmental provisions, like those contained in the Mining Code, the bioprospection and use of MGRs could be arbitrarily conducted with no guarantee of any preservation of specific ecosystem services.

Human rights, human development and human security form increasingly important, partly interconnected, partly competitive and misunderstood ethical and policy discourses. Each tries to humanize a pre-existing and unavoidable major discourse of everyday life, policy and politics; each has emerged within the United Nations world; each relies implicitly on a conceptualisation of human need; each has specific strengths. Yet mutual communication, understanding and co-operation are deficient, especially between human rights and the other discourses. The paper tries to identify respective strengths, weaknesses, and potential complementarity. It suggests that human security discourse may offer a working alliance between humanized discourses of rights, development and need.

This short essay tries to point out the relationship among human rights, human security and peace. The essence of the essay is to explicate the necessary conditions for peace, domestic as well as international. Peace denotes members of community living or co-existing in harmony but once conflict occurs and results in violent clashes, it will lead to a situation of ultima ratio regum. The paper argues that human rights and human security are vital in harmonious co-existence without which there may be war. In order to maintain peace, human rights are to be respected and these rights are now demanded by people in many parts of the world. Human security is the essential elements of human rights. Human security includes food security, health security, political security, economic security, personal security, environmental security and community security. Human rights and human security are thus closely related. And in the final analysis, the two major elements above are related to peace. In international relations, discussions on war and peace are the common main themes. The focus is on the causes of war or the breakdown of peace and then an elaboration of mechanisms for peace by the creation of such organizations as the League of Nations and the United Nations. Human rights organizations such as Human Rights Watch and the U.N. Universal Declaration of Human Rights and International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and like featured as part of the measures to protect the fundamental rights of human beings. The various organizations above, as this essay tries to explain, can have a positive effect on the maintenance of peace. The attempt is to pull the threads of human rights, human security and peace into a fabric to give a glimpse of a coherent whole. Peace presupposes protection of human rights and attempts to foster human security.

This volume elaborates on the EU report A Human Security Doctrine for Europe, adding an engaging discussion of international legal consequences and operational demands in the European Union's quest for domestic security. Introducing the concept of "Human Security from Below," the editors highlight how people in war-torn countries have no choice but to create their own security arrangements. But such structures, surprisingly, are not unique to war zones, the contributors reveal-human security initiatives from below occur in even the most stable Western countries. Arguing that human security as a concept only makes sense if it covers both foreign and domestic policy concerns, The Viability of Human Security offers concise insights on this largely neglected topic.

This essay explores the connection between discourses of membership, and refugee and human rights law. The argument is that state practice is often anchored in conceptions of democracy that refugee advocates must challenge at a fundamental level. I am particularly interested in the idea of human security. In addition, it is suggested that although human rights law has an essential role to play, we should not neglect the importance of refugee law as a status-granting mechanism. In the end, specific problems in refugee law call for progressive reform. For example, the essay calls for serious engagement with the idea of international or regional regulatory mechanisms to monitor state practice in this area. Many of the ideas applied in domestic contexts, such as the Canadian, come from international discussions. These discussions are often removed from effective participation. If states now function—and construct policy—at this level, then why should we not strongly advocate the creation of systems of accountability that operate at this level also? ; Cet article explore la relation entre les discours sur l'appartenance et la loi sur le droit d'asile et les droits de l'homme. Le raisonnement utilisé est que la pratique des états est souvent ancrée dans des concepts de démocratie que les défenseurs du droit d'asile se doivent de remettre en question. Je fais cela en relation avec l'idée de la sécurité humaine. Additionellement, il est suggéré que bien que la loi sur les droits de l'homme ait un rôle essentiel à jouer, nous ne devrions pas négliger l'importance que la loi sur le droit d'asile a à jouer en tant que mécanisme octroyant un statut. En fin de compte, il faudra apporter des réformes progressives touchant aux problèmes spécifiques de la loi sur le droit d'asile. Par exemple, l'article réclame que soit examinée sérieusement l'idée de mécanismes régulateurs au niveau international ou régional pour faire le suivi de la pratique des états dans ce domaine. Un grand nombre d'idées appliquées dans un contexte local ...

Since the end of the Cold War, Human Security has become an important approach in international politics, law, and political science. In contrast to the so-called 'Westphalian System' that knows only states as subjects and objects of security, human security aims at the security of individual human beings if failed or failing states do not protect them nor provide for their basic needs. Thereby, such heterogeneous forms of security as security from war, food security, energy security or security from crime and traffic accidents become common problems of international politics. Developing this new concept of security, UN documents as well as some experts suggest that the extended concept of security is a recurrence of the premodern concept of security that prevailed before the clear-cut distinction between domestic and international politics and the evolution of the system of states. This introduction discusses contributions on the premodern and contemporary history of (human) security and tries to assess the heuristic potential of the concept for historical research.

This paper discusses the evolution of a more inclusive perspective of human rights encompassing not only civil and political rights but also economic, social and cultural rights. Serving as the anchor of a rights-based perspective of national security, the convergence of human security and human rights becomes more imperative with changes taking place in the local and international contexts. The study provides an overview of the development of the human rights discourse from the conclusion of the Second World War with the signing of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) in 1948 to the forging of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR). The study also presents the diverging appreciation and enforcement of both covenants citing the case of Nepal where the perpetration of human rights violations of both state and non-state actors using arms and coercive force have exacerbated the physical as well as the social and economic insecurity of its people.