Suchergebnisse

Dış yardım, devletlerin dış politika aracı olarak kullandıkları gerçek yeniliklerden biridir (Morgenthau, 1962). Ancak, yardımda bulunanların hiçbiri, yalnızca kişisel çıkarlarına dayanarak dış yardım sağladıklarını iddia etmez. Hemen hemen tüm bağışçılar için dış yardım sağlanması ahlaki görev ve sorumluluklardan kaynaklanmaktadır. Bu tezde, Türkiye'nin Somali'ye insani yardımına ilişkin olarak, dış yardım ve dış politika arasındaki ilişki incelenmektedir. Türkiye'nin Somali'ye insani yardımını bir örnek olay incelemesiyle ele alarak, bu çalışma ilk olarak "Dış yardımın neden sağlandığı" sorusu için mevcut literatür tarafından verilen cevapları tartışmaktadır. Daha sonra, Türkiye'nin Somali'ye katılmasının nedenlerini ve Türkiye'nin Somalile ilişkilerini sadece insani müdahaleden değil, aynı zamanda dış politika hedeflerinden de kaynaklandığını açıklamaya çalışmaktadır. Bu çalışma yardımda bulunan ülkelerin dış yardım sağlama konusundaki iddialarının, dış yardımın verilmesindeki gerçek amaçları yeterince açıklamadığını savunmaktadır. Bu bağlamda, devletlerin dış politikalarının bir parçası olarak dış yardımlarını nasıl tahsis ettiklerini ve kullandıklarını analiz etmek önemlidir. Çalışmada, dış yardım sağlama kararının gelişimsel ve insani güdülerden ziyade genellikle politik, ticari ve diğer amaçlarla yapıldığı öne sürülmektedir. Tez ayrıca, 'uluslararası tanınma', 'insani diplomasi', 'yumuşak güç' ve 'ticari çıkarın' Türkiye'nin Somali'de gerçekleştirmeye çalıştığı ana amaçlar arasında olduğunu varsaymaktadır. Ancak, Türkiye'nin Somali'deki yardımları, Somali'deki diğer yardım donörleriyle karşılaştırıldığında nispeten başarılı olarak değerlendirilmiştir. Türkiye'nin somali'deki yardım modeli, sadece para sağlamanın, dış yardımın işlevinin etkili bir şekilde yerine getirmemesini; ve sağlanan bu yardım şeklinin yardımın etkenliği için de önemli bir faktör olduğunu göstermektedir. --- Foreign aid is one of the real innovations which the states have been using as an instrument of foreign policy (Morgenthau, 1962). However, none of the main aid donors would claim that they provide foreign aid solely on the basis of self-interest motivations. For almost all donors, the provision of foreign aid is driven by some kind of moral obligations or duties to provide it. This thesis examines the relationship between foreign aid and foreign policy with respect to Turkey's humanitarian aid to Somalia. By addressing Turkey's humanitarian assistance to Somalia as a case study, this study first discusses the answers that have been provided by the existing literature for the question of "Why foreign aid is provided". It then tries to explain the reasons why Turkey has involved itself in Somalia and how Turkey's engagement with Somalia is not just driven by humanitarian response but also by its foreign policy goals. This study argues that donor countries' claims about providing foreign aid do not sufficiently explain the real purposes for which foreign aid is given. It is important to analyze how the states are allocating and using foreign aid as part of their foreign policy. This study argues that the decision to provide foreign aid is generally driven by political, commercial, and other purposes rather than developmental and humanitarian motives. The Thesis also suggests that International recognition, humanitarian diplomacy, soft power, and business interests are among the main goals that Turkey intends to achieve in Somalia. However, Turkey's efforts in Somalia has been considered relatively successful when compared with the other aid donors of Somalia. Turkish model of assistance in Somalia demonstrated that just providing money does support the foreign aid to function effectively; the way assistance is provided is also an important factor for the aid effectiveness.

The debate on if and how to connect humanitarian assistance for refugees with national social protection systems can elicit polarizing views. Hence, it is not unusual to observe country-level approaches getting somewhat 'stuck' – especially where refugees represent a sizable share of the population: from a donor perspective, the question is how can governments be persuaded to be more inclusive; from a government standpoint, it faces disproportionate political and economic risks from "being left with the bill"; and from the international humanitarian agencies viewpoint, there might be quandaries on how to reconcile commitments to neutrality and independence with those to respecting the primary responsibility of governments. These stylized views are legitimate, but their combined effect may generate competing narratives and little negotiating space among the multiple actors involved. The net result might be the endurance of a sub-optimal dual systems operating in parallel – one for refugees, one for citizens. The framework laid out in this paper attempts to facilitate the identification of workable pathways for progress among actors. Instead of framing the humanitarian-social protection links as an 'either-or' choice, the framework includes a more granular analysis of how collaborations may emerge around select programmatic 'functions', as well as the 'degrees' of possible connection between national and international support within a given function.

In contrast with the world's other migratory routes, the Mediterranean is the one where more migrants die or disappear in their attempt to reach Europe's coasts. Although different international instruments refer to the obligation of States and the captains of vessels to provide assistance to anyone who is in distress at sea, the truth is that there has been a progressive reduction in search and rescue operations by the European Union and its Member States. Faced with this inaction, various NGOs dedicated to humanitarian aid have deployed vessels in the Mediterranean in order to search for and rescue migrants in distress at sea. NGOs have come to play an important role in assisting migrants, although they have encountered substantial hostility on the part of certain States, which regard these NGOs as acting as accomplices in illegal migrant smuggling. Through an analysis of different measures by certain States to deter NGOs engaged in rescue operations in the Mediterranean and the current regulatory framework for combatting illegal immigration, this article aims to assess whether these humanitarian organizations can be considered to have been wrongly criminalized and what the consequences are from the perspective of the observance of human rights. ; Operaciones de búsqueda y rescate de migrantes en el Mediterráneo por Organizaciones Humanitarias: ¿Contrabando de migrantes o asistencia humanitaria? La ruta mediterránea es, con diferencia respecto del resto de rutas migratorias del mundo, donde más migrantes mueren o desaparecen en el intento de llegar a las costas europeas. Si bien distintos instrumentos internacionales aluden a la obligación de los Estados y de los capitanes de los buques de prestar auxilio a toda persona que se encuentre en peligro en el mar, lo cierto es que ha habido una reducción progresiva de las operaciones de búsqueda y salvamento operadas por la Unión Europea y sus Estados miembros. Ante esta inacción, distintas ONG dedicadas a la asistencia humanitaria han desplegado buques en el Mediterráneo con el objetivo de buscar y rescatar en el mar a los migrantes que se encuentren en dificultades. Las ONG han adquirido una papel muy relevante en labores de asistencia a migrantes, si bien han tenido que hacer frente a una hostilidad muy importante por parte de determinados Estados al considerarlas cómplices del tráfico ilegal de migrantes. El objetivo de este estudio es, a partir del análisis de las distintas medidas adoptadas por determinados Estados contra ONG dedicadas a operaciones de rescate en el Mediterráneo y teniendo en cuenta el actual marco normativo en materia de lucha contra la inmigración ilegal, valorar si se puede considerar que se criminaliza de forma incorrecta la labor realizada por dichas organizaciones y las consecuencias que ello tiene desde la perspectiva de la observancia de los derechos humanos. ; Opérations de recherche et de sauvetage de migrants en Méditerranée par les Organisations humanitaires: Contrebande de migrants ou assistance humanitaire? La route méditerranéenne est, à la différence du reste des routes migratoires dans le monde, où davantage de migrants meurent ou disparaissent dans la tentative d'atteindre les côtes européennes. Bien que différents instruments internationaux se réfèrent à l'obligation des États et des capitaines de navires de prêter assistance à toute personne en danger en mer, la vérité est qu'il y a eu une réduction progressive des opérations de recherche et de sauvetage géré par l'Union européenne et ses États membres. Face à cette inaction, différentes ONG dédiées à l'aide humanitaire ont déployé des navires en Méditerranée dans le but de rechercher et de secourir des migrants en difficulté en mer. Les ONG ont acquis un rôle très pertinent dans l'assistance aux migrants, même si elles ont dû faire face à une hostilité très importante de la part de certains États lorsqu'elles les considèrent comme complices du trafic illégal de migrants. L'objectif de cette étude est, à partir de l'analyse des différentes mesures adoptées par certains Etats contre les ONG dédiées aux opérations de sauvetage en Méditerranée et compte tenu du cadre réglementaire actuel de la lutte contre l'immigration clandestine, d'évaluer s'il est possible d'envisager que le travail effectué par ces organisations est à tort criminalisé et les conséquences que cela a du point de vue du respect des droits de l'homme.

[eng] In contrast with the world's other migratory routes, the Mediterranean is the one where more migrants die or disappear in their attempt to reach Europe's coasts. Although different international instruments refer to the obligation of States and the captains of vessels to provide assistance to anyone who is in distress at sea, the truth is that there has been a progressive reduction in search and rescue operations by the European Union and its Member States. Faced with this inaction, various NGOs dedicated to humanitarian aid have deployed vessels in the Mediterranean in order to search for and rescue migrants in distress at sea. NGOs have come to play an important role in assisting migrants, although they have encountered substantial hostility on the part of certain States, which regard these NGOs as acting as accomplices in illegal migrant smuggling. Through an analysis of different measures by certain States to deter NGOs engaged in rescue operations in the Mediterranean and the current regulatory framework for combatting illegal immigration, this article aims to assess whether these humanitarian organizations can be considered to have been wrongly criminalized and what the consequences are from the perspective of the observance of human rights.

This report describes the activities of the United Nations Department of Humanitarian Affairs (DHA) in Angola from April 1993 to April 1995. It starts with the creation of DHA Angola in 1993 and continues to describe how relations were established with the Government and UNITA. It covers the different ways in which main concepts and roles and responsibilities could be discussed and agreed to. It presents the day-to-day activities including the crucial information exchange. It shows how DHA organised the preparation and launching of inter-agency appeals. It describes how DHA promoted and monitored the safety of humanitarian agency personnel and how capacity building was made one of the important strategies of DHA.

This report summarizes the extent of the disaster and relief effort.

"July 1999." ; Shipping list no.: 99-0356-P. ; Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-84). ; Mode of access: Internet.

Proceedings for the 1998 Command and Control Research and Technology Symposium Command and Control for the Next Millenium June 29-July1, 1998 Naval Postgraduate School Monterey, California Track 5 Organization and Doctrine Development ; Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (HA/DR) operations are the most frequent of current operations. At last year's symposium one of the authors presented a paper outlining a six-step program for translating JV2010 capabilities into new concepts for military support to HA/DR operations. This paper covers the completed activities: an HA/DR test involving the USCINCPAC's Political Military Anchor Desk (PMAD), the Workshop on HA/DR in the Next Century and the Virtual Information Center (VIC) experiment in conjunction with the Center of Excellence in Disaster Management and Humanitarian Assistance (COE).

The nature of intra-state conflicts and the political manipulation of humanitarian aid in the 1990s has led to the popular postulate that humanitarianism has to be included as an instrument for peacebuilding efforts. So far, the debate surrounding such a linkage has largely ignored the nature and behaviour of aid agencies. This paper focuses on the feasibility of including humanitarian action into peacebuilding strategies by taking a closer look at the reality of humanitarian organisations. Based upon the concept of peacebuilding, three sets of prerequisites for successfully combining humanitarian and peacebuilding efforts will be discussed: the compatibility of the objectives pursued in humanitarianism and peacebuilding, the perception of politics by aid agencies, and their capacity to analyse the political context of aid. The analysis highlights the heterogeneity of humanitarian actors and concludes that their contribution to peacebuilding can only be very limited. ; Als Reaktion auf innerstaatliche Konflikte und den in diesem Umfeld oft zu beobachtenden Missbrauch humanitärer Hilfe nach Ende des Kalten Krieges entstand die Forderung nach einer Einbindung humanitärer Hilfe in Peacebuilding-Strategien. Die bisherige Diskussion um solch ein synergetisches Vorgehen hat die Charakteristika humanitärer Organisationen dabei jedoch weitgehend ignoriert. Dieser Artikel geht der Frage nach, inwiefern eine Koalition aus humanitärer Hilfe und Peacebuilding machbar erscheint angesichts der Spezifika von Hilfsorganisationen. Ausgehend vom Konzept des Peacebuilding werden drei, für eine mögliche Einbindung humanitärer Hilfe in Peacebuilding wesentliche Faktoren diskutiert: Erstens, die Vereinbarkeit der Ziele und Motivationen von humanitärer Hilfe und Peacebuilding, zweitens, die von Hilfsorganisationen vorgenommene Positionierung der eigenen Arbeit in Bezug zu politischen Akteuren und zum politischen Umfeld und drittens, die Fähigkeit zur Analyse des politischen Umfelds humanitärer Hilfe. Diese Diskussion macht zum einen die Heterogenität humanitärer Akteure deutlich und kommt insgesamt zu dem Ergebnis, dass eine Einbindung humanitärer Hilfe in Peacebuilding nur äußerst begrenzt möglich ist.

The provision of humanitarian assistance has rapidly become a core component of modern peacebuilding and post- conflict reconstruction. Yet, despite the normative appeal of providing humanitarian assistance to the victims of violent conflict, aid workers and analysts frequently claim that humanitarian assistance can inadvertently prolong war. If such claims are true, the very treatment that the international community has been employing to address the consequences of violent conflict may actually be prolonging war and increasing the amount of suffering over time. To date, however, the evidence to support these claims is mostly anecdotal, and a satisfying theoretical link between humanitarian aid and the duration of war has yet to be specified. This dissertation explores the link between humanitarian aid and the duration of war both theoretically and empirically through a series of four papers, with each paper serving as a chapter. I show how humanitarian aid can inadvertently prolong civil war when disbursed during conflict (Chapter 3) and how humanitarian aid can undermine peace when disbursed in the aftermath of civil conflict (Chapter 4). I also show that - as a result of these effects - combatants strategically respond to aid provisions by violently attacking aid workers (Chapter 5). In each paper, I test propositions econometrically using observational data to estimate the relationship between the level of aid and political violence at the macro and micro levels

"GAO/NSIAD-89-152." ; "June 1989." ; "B-230756"--P. [1]. ; Cover title. ; Distributed to depository libraries in microfiche. ; Mode of access: Internet.

"January 1990" ; Cover title. ; "B-225832" - p. [1]. ; "GAO/NSIAD-90-62" ; Mode of access: Internet.

The COVID-19 pandemic has devastated many low- and middle-income countries (LMICs), causing widespread food insecurity and a sharp decline in living standards. In response to this crisis, governments and humanitarian organizations worldwide have mobilized targeted social assistance programs. Targeting is a central challenge in the administration of these programs: given available data, how does one rapidly identify the individuals and families with the greatest need? This challenge is particularly acute in the large number of LMICs that lack recent and comprehensive data on household income and wealth. Here we show that non-traditional "big" data from satellites and mobile phone networks can improve the targeting of anti-poverty programs. Our approach uses traditional survey-based measures of consumption and wealth to train machine learning algorithms that recognize patterns of poverty in non-traditional data; the trained algorithms are then used to prioritize aid to the poorest regions and mobile subscribers. We evaluate this approach by studying Novissi, Togo's flagship emergency cash transfer program, which used these algorithms to determine eligibility for a rural assistance program that disbursed millions of dollars in COVID-19 relief aid. Our analysis compares outcomes – including exclusion errors, total social welfare, and measures of fairness – under different targeting regimes. Relative to the geographic targeting options considered by the Government of Togo at the time, the machine learning approach reduces errors of exclusion by 4-21%. Relative to methods that require a comprehensive social registry (a hypothetical exercise; no such registry exists in Togo), the machine learning approach increases exclusion errors by 9-35%. These results highlight the potential for new data sources to contribute to humanitarian response efforts, particularly in crisis settings when traditional data are missing or out of date.

MARCIVE ORDER RECORD ; Shipping List Date: 12/15/2003 ; Shipping List #: 2004-0047-P ; Mode of access: Internet.

Whilst European governments have increasingly externalised restrictive migration policies to civil actors, the latter's main interests lie in improving or defending immigrants' well-being. This raises the crucial question as to how civil actors deal with the puzzling position they find themselves in: to what extent do they execute or transform their funders' policy objectives? And which mechanisms enable them to do so? This article contributes to answering these questions by detailing the historical shifts in the roles played by civil actors in the Assisted Voluntary Return programme in Belgium. Most importantly, the article argues that the considerable autonomy these civil actors achieved resulted in two seemingly opposite effects. On the one hand, they developed a wealth of expertise in ensuring the quality of return, thereby transforming the national government's goals of managing migration into humanitarian ones. On the other hand, in recent developments their autonomy paradoxically became instrumental to migration management, not so much by changing their practices or values, but by changing their functioning within the wider field of migration policies. The article concludes by proposing the metaphor of 'immunisation' as an apt way of describing civil actors' practical and functionally role in migration management.