Suchergebnisse

With the outbreak of famine in the mid-1990s, the DPRK has become a recipient of humanitarian assistance. Immediately after the inception of aid flows, an extensive diversification of donors arose. The most important donor duo was the Republic of Korea and the USA. Japan, Russia, and the European Union all had important roles in the matter, and Switzerland had a very specific role in it. Meanwhile, the Chinese assistance obtained an entirely unique position. There was a temporary suspension of China's assistance in the mid-1990s, but then it started again, and today, China is the DPRK's patron. The aim of this article is to provide a comparison of the donors' strategies and to outline the main trends of the assistance to the DPRK in the framework of the period of 1995-2012. The strategies of donorship have divergent tendencies, and in most of the cases, the donors preferred to make a strong effort to reach their political goals in the DPRK while providing humanitarian aid to it. Adapted from the source document.

The presented analysis critically investigates the role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in the area of human security, specifically in humanitarian disarmament. The objective of the first half is to map the existing discourse on NGOs in this area. After an outline of the characteristics of the field, what follows is an empirical analysis of the discourse on the campaign to ban landmines in its much celebrated role of a model of humanitarian disarmament. The second half has a rebuttal of the belief in the emancipatory role of NGOs in this issue area as its main aim. Foucault's theorization and conceptualization of the development of liberalism and neo-liberalism serve as the basis for this task. The provided interpretation rests on three arguments. First, the notion of newness and lack of precedents regarding the role of NGOs in this area is flawed. Empirical material that deals with 19th Century liberally-based campaigns for humanitarian disarmament will be used to support this claim. Second, the image of soft power as allegedly characterizing the relationship between NGOs and governments in this area is challenged. In order to correct such a portrayal, characteristics of the recent neo-liberal, disciplinary regime in which NGOs have had to operate are provided. Finally, the commonly held idea that one needs to study the accompanying processes at the global level is rectified. As a result, it is argued that microprocesses within domestic institutional settings and the move from the domestic transformations of the non-profit sector in Canada to the global desecuritization of human security also need to be examined. Adapted from the source document.