Suchergebnisse

Piracy in Somalia is a symptom of a wider problem ashore. Creating conditions for effective governance and promoting the rule of law are crucial for a sustainable solution. The establishment of a hybrid court incorporated in the jurisdictional Somali system would be an important contribution for the prosecution of suspected pirates and thus to the fight against piracy. Moreover, the court would also contribute to the effective governance in Somalia by promoting the rule of law and the existence of effective judicial institutions. This strategy could be relevant to other situations when a collapsed State serves as a hub to transnational organized crime. Adapted from the source document.

ABSTRACT. Pedagogy of alternation has been considered a methodological possibility for the rural people's education, given its pedagogical and political convergence with the principles of Rural Education. However, hybrid experiences have revealed that the epistemological foundations that underpin this Pedagogy have been placed on the margin of practices, emptying the emancipatory potentialities of Alternation.Starting from these meanings, this text which is the result of theoretical reflections, discusses the epistemological principles that underlie the Pedagogy of Alternation, understood as a praxis forged in the unit of time and space, and its contributions to the emancipatory formation of rural people.The assumption of the political role of the Alternation epistemology promotes the disruption of formation based on the time-school and time-community dichotomy. It breaks with a fetishized praxis promoting the transformation-emancipation of these people and their communities. The symmetries between Rural Education and Alternation Pedagogy necessarily evoke overcoming the hybrid variants that this Pedagogy has been assuming in the context of rural people's education. It requires conceiving the unity that produces time-school and time-community as a formative political process. ; ABSTRACT. Pedagogy of alternation has been considered a methodological possibility for the rural people's education, given its pedagogical and political convergence with the principles of Rural Education. However, hybrid experiences have revealed that the epistemological foundations that underpin this Pedagogy have been placed on the margin of practices, emptying the emancipatory potentialities of Alternation.Starting from these meanings, this text which is the result of theoretical reflections, discusses the epistemological principles that underlie the Pedagogy of Alternation, understood as a praxis forged in the unit of time and space, and its contributions to the emancipatory formation of rural people.The assumption of the political role of the Alternation epistemology promotes the disruption of formation based on the time-school and time-community dichotomy. It breaks with a fetishized praxis promoting the transformation-emancipation of these people and their communities. The symmetries between Rural Education and Alternation Pedagogy necessarily evoke overcoming the hybrid variants that this Pedagogy has been assuming in the context of rural people's education. It requires conceiving the unity that produces time-school and time-community as a formative political process. ; RESUMEN. La Pedagogía de La Alternancia se está constituyendo como una posibilidad metodológica para la educación de los pueblos del campo, dada a su convergencia pedagógica y política con los principios de la Educación del Campo. Sin embargo, experiencias híbridas han revelado que los fundamentos epistemológicos que sustentan esta Pedagogía han sido colocados al margen de las prácticas, vaciando las potencialidades emancipadoras de la Alternancia. Partiendo de estas acepciones, este texto, resultado de reflexiones teóricas, discute los principios epistemológicos que fundamentan la Pedagogía de la Alternancia, comprendida como praxis forjada en la unidad de tiempo y espacio, y sus contribuciones para la formación emancipadora de los pueblos del campo. La asunción del papel político de la epistemología de la Alternancia, promueve el rompimiento de la formación calcada en la dicotomía Tiempo – escuela y tiempo-comunidad. Rompe con la praxis fetichizada promoviendo la transformación-emancipación de los sujetos y sus comunidades. Las simetrías entre Educación del Campo y la Pedagogía de la Alternancia evocan, necesariamente, exceden las variantes híbridas que esta Pedagogía viene asumiendo en el ámbito de la formación de los pueblos del campo. Exige concebir la unidad que produce el tiempo-escuela y el tiempo comunidad como proceso político formativo. ; ABSTRACT. Pedagogy of alternation has been considered a methodological possibility for the rural people's education, given its pedagogical and political convergence with the principles of Rural Education. However, hybrid experiences have revealed that the epistemological foundations that underpin this Pedagogy have been placed on the margin of practices, emptying the emancipatory potentialities of Alternation.Starting from these meanings, this text which is the result of theoretical reflections, discusses the epistemological principles that underlie the Pedagogy of Alternation, understood as a praxis forged in the unit of time and space, and its contributions to the emancipatory formation of rural people.The assumption of the political role of the Alternation epistemology promotes the disruption of formation based on the time-school and time-community dichotomy. It breaks with a fetishized praxis promoting the transformation-emancipation of these people and their communities. The symmetries between Rural Education and Alternation Pedagogy necessarily evoke overcoming the hybrid variants that this Pedagogy has been assuming in the context of rural people's education. It requires conceiving the unity that produces time-school and time-community as a formative political process. ; A Pedagogia da Alternância vem se constituindo como possibilidade metodológica para a educação dos povos do campo, dada sua convergência pedagógica e política com os princípios da Educação do Campo. Contudo, experiências híbridas têm revelado que os fundamentos epistemológicos que sustentam essa Pedagogia têm sido colocados à margem das práticas, esvaziando as potencialidades emancipadoras da Alternância. Partindo dessas acepções, este texto, resultado de reflexões teóricas, discute os princípios epistemológicos que fundamentam a Pedagogia da Alternância, compreendida enquanto práxis forjada na unidade tempo e espaço, e suas contribuições para a formação emancipatória dos povos do campo. A assunção do papel político da epistemologia da Alternância promove o rompimento da formação calcada na dicotomia tempo-escola e tempo-comunidade. Rompe com uma práxis fetichizada promovendo a transformação-emancipação dos sujeitos e suas comunidades. As simetrias entre Educação do Campo e Pedagogia da Alternância evocam, necessariamente, ultrapassar as variantes híbridas que essa Pedagogia vem assumindo no âmbito da formação dos povos do campo. Exige conceber a unidade que produz o tempo-escola e o tempo-comunidade como processo político formativo. Palavras-chave: Pedagogia da Alternância, Educação do Campo, Unidade Tempo-Escola e Tempo-Comunidade, Emancipação. Pedagogy of Alternation and Rural Education: from epistemological hybridism's to symmetry with Popular Education ABSTRACT. Pedagogy of alternation has been considered a methodological possibility for the rural people's education, given its pedagogical and political convergence with the principles of Rural Education. However, hybrid experiences have revealed that the epistemological foundations that underpin this Pedagogy have been placed on the margin of practices, emptying the emancipatory potentialities of Alternation.Starting from these meanings, this text which is the result of theoretical reflections, discusses the epistemological principles that underlie the Pedagogy of Alternation, understood as a praxis forged in the unit of time and space, and its contributions to the emancipatory formation of rural people.The assumption of the political role of the Alternation epistemology promotes the disruption of formation based on the time-school and time-community dichotomy. It breaks with a fetishized praxis promoting the transformation-emancipation of these people and their communities. The symmetries between Rural Education and Alternation Pedagogy necessarily evoke overcoming the hybrid variants that this Pedagogy has been assuming in the context of rural people's education. It requires conceiving the unity that produces time-school and time-community as a formative political process. Keywords: Pedagogy of Alternation, Rural Education, Time-school and Time-Community Unit, Emancipation. Pedagogía de la Alternancia y Educación del Campo: de los hibridismos epistemológicos a la simetría con la Educación Popular RESUMEN. La Pedagogía de La Alternancia se está constituyendo como una posibilidad metodológica para la educación de los pueblos del campo, dada a su convergencia pedagógica y política con los principios de la Educación del Campo. Sin embargo, experiencias híbridas han revelado que los fundamentos epistemológicos que sustentan esta Pedagogía han sido colocados al margen de las prácticas, vaciando las potencialidades emancipadoras de la Alternancia. Partiendo de estas acepciones, este texto, resultado de reflexiones teóricas, discute los principios epistemológicos que fundamentan la Pedagogía de la Alternancia, comprendida como praxis forjada en la unidad de tiempo y espacio, y sus contribuciones para la formación emancipadora de los pueblos del campo. La asunción del papel político de la epistemología de la Alternancia, promueve el rompimiento de la formación calcada en la dicotomía Tiempo – escuela y tiempo-comunidad. Rompe con la praxis fetichizada promoviendo la transformación-emancipación de los sujetos y sus comunidades. Las simetrías entre Educación del Campo y la Pedagogía de la Alternancia evocan, necesariamente, exceden las variantes híbridas que esta Pedagogía viene asumiendo en el ámbito de la formación de los pueblos del campo. Exige concebir la unidad que produce el tiempo-escuela y el tiempo comunidad como proceso político formativo. Palabras clave: Pedagogía de la Alternancia, Educación del Campo, Unidad Tiempo-Escuela y Tiempo-Comunidad, Emancipación.

The current study investigates the consistency between the claims of the Dialectic and those of the Canon concerning the problem of freedom, and does so through a comparative analysis of three interpretations, showing why two of them (Carnois and Allison) would be mistaken, and a third (Esteves), defensible. Carnois points out that there would be an incompatibility between Dialectic and Canon in considering that the freedom of the Canon would be a limited and empirical freedom, whereas in the Dialectic it would have an absolute spontaneity. Allison believes that the texts would be compatible, although both present relative and ambiguous practical freedom (dependent on a sensitive incentive), and therefore there would be a pre-critical morality in KrV. Esteves's interpretation seems to us to be more sustainable and allows us to understand the coherence and contemporaneity of texts (both present freedom with absolute spontaneity), showing that, although practical freedom is a relational freedom (applied to human beings and therefore in contact with the empirical), it is not an empirical but hybrid concept.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the significance of institutional arrangements to development policies. Unfortunately, modern institutionalism has concentrated on the consequences of political and economic liberties (determined by the institutional environment) to development, with inconclusive results. It will be argued that institutional arrangements offer a much more promising and interesting possibility, providing useful analytical instruments for public policies when there is the need of cooperation from private agents, specially the concept of hybrid arrangements first elaborated by Oliver Williamson and then refined by Claude Ménard. The analysis proceeds first by discussing the difficulties faced by the theories that assert a clear-cut relation between institutional environment and development. Then the analysis then considers the conceptual difference between institutions and policies. It is then discussed the relevance of institutional arrangements to development policies involving private agents. Finally, selected evidence is presented in support of the argument of the relevance of institutional arrangements.

The text analyzes the spectacles Ítaca [Ithaca] (2018) and O agora que demora [The now that's delayed] (2019), created by the director Christiane Jatahy. Recognized for the creation of a performative, hybrid and political theatre, the artist transits between cultural and geographical frontier zones. Based on assemblages and repetitions the artist's performative practices relate to certain proposals defined by Rebecca Schneider, especially the conception of "archives as act" and embodied modes of memory. ; En el artículo se analizan los espectáculos Ítaca (2018) y O agora que demora (2019), creados por la directora Christiane Jatahy. Como teatros performativos, híbridos y políticos, transitan entre fronteras artísticas, culturales y geográficas. En el uso de testimonios de refugiados y la creación de archivos documentales, las dos obras se relacionan con algunos supuestos definidos por Rebecca Schneider como actos y modos de memoria encarnados. ; Foram analisados no artigo os espetáculos Ítaca (2018) e O agora que demora (2019), criados pela encenadora Christiane Jatahy. Enquanto teatros performativos, híbridos e políticos transitam entre zonas artísticas, culturais e geográficas de fronteira. No uso de testemunhos de refugiados e na criação de arquivos documentais os dois trabalhos se relacionam a alguns pressupostos definidos por Rebecca Schneider como atos e modos incorporados de memória.

This article seeks to achieve two goals. First, to present a panoramic analysis of the three main contemporary conceptions about the demarcation problem. Traditionally, the demarcation problem has intended to conceptually delimit the boundaries between "science", "non-science" and/or "pseudoscience" via criteria and definitions of science or scientificity. This issue - mainly in the 20th century, but not only – was present as one of the great intellectual challenges of the philosophy of science and in related areas. Indeed, our analysis has produced a division that selects three main phases, namely, optimistic perspectives, pessimistic perspectives, and, so to speak, hybrid perspectives. In light of this context, and in order to support the general architecture of the article, two authors from each phase were chosen for a schematic analysis. Second, this article seeks, in the end, to argue that the problem of demarcation is better understood and answered if characterized as more than an exclusively methodological and epistemological problem, that is, in this sense it would also be a value-added problem with political, social and therefore, practical. We termed it the dual dimension of the demarcation problem. Furthermore, we highlight that our emphasis on this interpretation is essentially in accordance with the defense made by the third approach analyzed in this paper. In the end, we defend that the third conception outlined here is a comparatively better alternative than the others.

Presentation of the Dossier "Arts and anthropologies: street poetics and politics and ways of doing ethnography". In organizing this dossier, we continue an itinerary that we have followed for some time now, linked on one hand to the intersections between art and politics, and on the other to the overlapping of different practices and modes of ethnographic and artistic making. Along with another anthropologist and maker of body art, Julia Ruiz di Giovanni, absent here but ever present in a dialogue maintained over recent years, our aim has been to potentialize this exchange, taking place both during academic discussions in congresses, seminars and courses, and during hybrid events with artists and researchers, not to mention less formal conversations that have criss-crossed the Atlantic Ocean countless times. ; Apresentação do Dossiê "Artes e antropologias: políticas, poéticas das ruas e modos de fazer etnográficos".Na organização desse dossiê (per)seguimos um itinerário que, há longa data, vem nos ocupando e está ligado, por um lado, aos cruzamentos entre arte e política e, por outro, à imbricação entre práticas e modos de fazer etnográficos e artísticos. Junto com outra antropóloga e fazedora de artes do corpo, Julia Ruiz di Giovanni, aqui ausente, mas sempre presente num diálogo que mantemos nos últimos anos, fomos potencializar essa troca que se deu tanto em momentos de discussão acadêmica, com congressos, seminários e cursos ou em eventos de caráter híbrido, com artistas e pesquisadoras, para não mencionar as conversas menos formais que vem atravessando o oceano Atlântico inúmeras vezes.

Introduction: New biotechnologies have grown rapidly with recent techniques for manipulating living beings. When combined with public health policies, these biotechnologies result in wide-scale interventions when creating, producing and disseminating new hybrid beings. A recent field of application of these biotechnologies lies in combating the epidemics of arboviruses caused by the Aedes aegyptimosquitoes. Objective:To analyze the regulatory trajectories of two new biotechnologies for the control of arboviruses transmitted by A. aegypti: the transgenic A. aegyptiand the A. aegyptiinfected with the bacteria Wolbachia. Method: A qualitative analysis of publicly accessible documents made available by official organizations, in particular the Brazilian Health Regulatory Agency – ANVISA, the National Technical Commission for Biosafety – CTNBio and the Court of Justice of Distrito Federal, was carried out; in addition, an analysis of the legislation associated with these documents was performed. Results: Documents describe the different regulatory trajectories and the attempt to standardize the two biotechnologies in the country and present the gaps and controversies that involve the regulatory processes of these new artifacts. Conclusions:The difficulties presented to provide definitive registration for these new technologies have generated processes that last to the present day, highlighting gaps in the norms in terms of framework, definition of institutional competencies and path for the regulatory process. The importance of establishing a regulatory process for these technologies becomes evident by the scale of their implementation, by their accelerated pace of development, by the difficulty of reverting their implementation after release in the environment and by the need to guarantee participation and public debate. ; Introdução: Novas biotecnologias tiveram rápido crescimento com as recentes técnicas de manipulação de seres vivos. Quando aliadas a políticas de saúde pública, essas biotecnologias resultam em ...

This essay examines the spatial organization of clinical and experimental medical knowledge in late 19th-century Mexico City. Contemporary historiography takes laboratory knowledge as somehow distinct, just as clinical medicine was not experimentation. Throughout the 19th century, the Hospital de San Andrés was where students at Mexico City's National School of Medicine (ENM) learned and practised clinical medicine and pathological anatomy. But it was also where spaces for performing experimentation and clinical analyses opened up, in collaboration with the Instituto Médico Nacional. I delve on those hybrid spaces devoted to both medical therapy and experimentation, non-canonical laboratories not studied to date. I analyze how the terrain of the pathological, localized in the body, was multiplied in those heterotopic spaces concerned with clinical practices governed by the urgencies of pain but influenced, as well, by the productivist economy imposed by experimentation. I examines the practices and rhythms that produced distinct kinds of knowledge in those spaces related to the pathologies of Mexican people; though neither one emerged as more efficient than the other. If, however, we view this through the lens of the setting in which they operated (19th-century Mexico City) we find that the clinical and experimental knowledge generated, entrenched in their respective institutions, served the political interests of imposing order, hygiene and contention. In its hospitals and laboratories, the ENM educated in order to domesticate a city immersed in chaotic growth and ravaged by epidemics; a society that sought to transform research into a tool for development, order and healing. ; En este ensayo me pregunto por cómo se organizó espacialmente el saber clínico y experimental, en México, a fines del siglo XIX. La historiografía toma a los laboratorios como espacios distintos y excluyentes de los hospitales; se considera que la clínica no equivale a la experimentación. A lo largo del siglo XIX, el Hospital de San ...

The objective of this paper is to understand how relationships between practices and emotions configure the organizational process of a circus, located in Montréal, Canada. We conduct a theoretical approach between the concepts of practices of the Michel de Certeau and organizational processes of Theodore Schatzki, discussing a policy approach to everyday life in organizations. We combine these discussions to debates about the political effects of emotions in social life. From an ethnographic study, we propose that the practices are built on the emotional politics of everyday life resulting in the production of social spaces hybrid in mobile organizational processes, such as the circus. Thus, it is possible to understand how organizational processes circus in the relationship between the practices that produce mobility and emotions which shape the social space, the result of a political struggle in the artistic field, showing the "passion for art" as a dimension of life collective of artists that organizes different practices in recognition of the circus as art in Canada. ; O objetivo deste artigo é compreender como as relações entre práticas e emoções configuram o processo organizativo de um circo, localizado na cidade de Montréal, Canadá. Realizamos uma aproximação teórica entre os conceitos de práticas de Michel de Certeau e de processos organizativos de Theodore Schatzki, discutindo uma abordagem política da vida cotidiana nas organizações. Aliamos estas discussões aos debates sobre os efeitos políticos das emoções na vida social. A partir de um estudo etnográfico, propomos que as práticas se constituem com base na política emocional da vida cotidiana resultando na produção de espaços sociais híbridos em processos organizativos móveis, a exemplo do circo. Assim, é possível compreender como nos processos organizativos circenses as relações entre as práticas, que produzem mobilidades, e as emoções, que configuram os espaços sociais, resultam de uma luta política no campo artístico, evidenciando a "paixão pela arte" como dimensão da vida coletiva dos artistas que organiza diferentes práticas no reconhecimento do circo como arte no Canadá.

This paper examines capital requirement for financial institutions in order to cover market risk stemming from exposure to foreign currencies. The models examined belong to two groups according to the approach involved: standardized and internal models. In the first group, we study the Basel model and the model adopted by the Brazilian legislation. In the second group, we consider the models based on the concept of value at risk (VaR). We analyze the single and the double-window historical model, the exponential smoothing model (EWMA) and a hybrid approach that combines features of both models. The results suggest that the Basel model is inadequate to the Brazilian market, exhibiting a large number of exceptions. The model of the Brazilian legislation has no exceptions, though generating higher capital requirements than other internal models based on VaR. In general, VaR-based models perform better and result in less capital allocation than the standardized approach model applied in Brazil. ; Neste artigo são avaliados modelos de determinação de exigência de capital de instituições financeiras para cobertura de risco de mercado decorrente de exposição cambial. Os modelos estão divididos em dois grupos, de acordo com a abordagem: padronizada ou de modelos proprietários. No primeiro, são considerados o modelo padronizado de Basiléia e o modelo adotado pela legislação brasileira. No segundo grupo encontram-se os modelos baseados em VaR. São considerados o modelo histórico, com uma e duas janelas móveis, o modelo de VAR-COV com alisamento exponencial e uma abordagem híbrida que combina características de ambos. Os resultados sugerem que o modelo padronizado de Basiléia é inadequado à realidade brasileira, apresentando grande número de perdas superiores à exigência de capital. O modelo da legislação brasileira não apresenta exceções, mas gera maiores requerimentos de capital que os modelos baseados em VaR, os quais, a despeito da menor exigência de capital, apresentam, em geral, desempenhos adequados.

This article aims to share the experience of Movimentos (Movements), a collective of young activists from Brazilian favelas and peripheral neighborhoods whose goal is to discuss alternatives to the current drug policy from the peripheral youth's standpoint. The population's role in the formulation, application, and enforcement of public safety and drug policies is rudimentary, and the opportunities available to youngsters who live in Brazilian favelas and the outskirts are even smaller. The purpose of Movimentos is to have youngsters from the outskirts take center stage in the debate over public safety and drug policies, because they are the war on drugs greatest victims. The collective follows a hybrid organizational model that combines collective, horizontal governance with the institutional support of an academic research center. Not only does it seek to broaden youngsters' agency around public safety and drug policies, but it also devises and experiments with methodologies to enable their active participation. O presente artigo tem como objetivo compartilhar a experiência de construção do Movimentos, um coletivo de jovens ativistas de favelas e periferias do Brasil que tem como propósito discutir alternativas à atual política de drogas a partir da perspectiva da juventude periférica. A capacidade de incidência popular na formulação, execução e supervisão das políticas públicas de segurança e de drogas é incipiente e, nesse quadro, menores ainda são as oportunidades disponíveis para a participação a juventude que vive nas favelas e periferias brasileiras. O Movimentos nasce com o propósito de colocar no centro do debate sobre segurança pública e política de drogas os atores que são mais impactados pela chamada "guerra às drogas": os jovens periféricos. Apostando em um modelo híbrido de organização, que combina a governança coletiva e horizontal ao apoio institucional de um centro de pesquisa vinculado a uma universidade, o Movimentos busca não apenas ampliar a capacidade de incidência política da juventude periférica nas áreas de segurança pública e política de drogas, mas também elaborar e experimentar metodologias que possibilitem sua participação ativa e engajada. Publisher's Note:This article has been published in both Portuguese and English. To download the Portuguese version, click the "Download" link and select "PDF (PT)". Este artigo foi publicado tanto em Inglês, como em Português. Para baixar a versão em Português, clique "Download" e depois selecione "PDF (PT)".

Este artículo es el resultado de una investigación dedicada al estudio comparativo de las políticas deportivas en Brasil y España. Su objetivo principal era analizar, comparativamente, la legislación deportiva de ambos países después de la constitucionalización del derecho al deporte. Adoptando los procedimientos de estudios comparativos y la técnica de investigación de análisis de contenido, se estudiaron las leyes infraconstitucionales de Brasil y España que regulan el sector deportivo. Los análisis demuestran: (i) la constitución de una arquitectura híbrida de gestión de políticas deportivas, que combina la acción tutelar del Estado con la autonomía / liberalización del sector privado; (ii) alentar la creación de entidades cuya naturaleza jurídica esté alineada con la perspectiva comercial; (iii) la diversificación de las fuentes de financiamiento para el deporte, especialmente los de altos ingresos, más atractivos para el mercado debido al potencial para impulsar la actividad comercial. ; This article is the result of a comparative study on sports policies in Brazil and Spain. Its main objective was to analyze – comparatively – the sports legislation from both countries after the right to sports entered their Constitutions. By following procedures from comparative studies and content analysis research techniques, we studied Brazil's and Spain's infra-constitutional laws regulating the sports sector. The analyses show: (i) the establishment of a hybrid sports policy management architecture combining tutelary action by the State with autonomy/liberalization of the private sector; (ii) encouragement towards creation of entities whose legal nature is aligned with a business perspective; (iii) diversification of funding sources for sports, especially for high-performance sports, which are more attractive to the market due to their potential to boost commercial activities. ; Este artigo resulta de pesquisa que se dedicou ao estudo comparado das políticas esportivas de Brasil e Espanha. Teve como como objetivo principal analisar – de forma comparativa – a legislação esportiva de ambos os países após a constitucionalização do direito ao esporte. Adotando os procedimentos de estudos comparados e a técnica de pesquisa de análise de conteúdo, foram estudadas as legislações infraconstitucionais de Brasil e Espanha que regulamentam o setor esportivo. As análises demonstram: (i) a constituição de uma arquitetura híbrida de gestão da política esportiva, que combina ação tutelar do Estado com autonomização/liberalização do setor privado; (ii) o estímulo à criação de entidades cuja natureza jurídica alinha-se à perspectiva empresarial; (iii) a diversificação de fontes de financiamento ao esporte, em especial o de alto rendimento, mais atrativo ao mercado devido ao potencial de impulsionar a atividade comercial.

Community policing models have been disseminated in different countries in response to high levels of crime and violence. Despite the broad defense of such models, their effectiveness and concept are still unclear. The phenomenon of community policing is hybrid and multifaceted, with several contradictions between what is idealized and what happens in practice, making it difficult to understand. In this essay, we propose a metatheoretical analytical scheme based on the idea that community policing is based on four pure types of institutional logics – military, professional, managerial, and community – and the intersection of these logics helps to understand the phenomenon. We used this scheme to frame the studies on community policing considering societal and cultural, environmental, organizational, and practical and identity elements, seeking to outline a research agenda. ; Los modelos de policía comunitaria se han difundido en diferentes países en respuesta a los altos niveles de delincuencia y violencia. A pesar de la amplia defensa de la efectividad de tales modelos, existen dudas no solo sobre su efectividad, sino también sobre de qué se trata realmente la policía comunitaria. Mirándolo como un fenómeno, la policía comunitaria se ve como un híbrido, multifacético y con varias contradicciones entre lo que se idealiza y lo que efectivamente se implementa, lo que dificulta su comprensión. En este ensayo, proponemos un esquema analítico metateórico basado en la idea de que la policía comunitaria se rige por cuatro tipos puros de lógicas institucionales ‒militar, profesional, gerencial y comunitario‒ en el que la intersección entre tales lógicas ayuda a comprender cómo se manifiesta. Con base en este esquema, enmarcamos la investigación sobre el tema en elementos sociales y culturales; ambientales; organizativos; y, prácticos e identitarios, buscando esbozar una agenda de investigación sobre la policía comunitaria. ; Modelos de policiamento comunitário vêm sendo disseminados em diferentes países como resposta aos altos índices de criminalidade e violência. Apesar da ampla defesa da efetividade de tais modelos, há dúvidas acerca de sua efetividade e do que, de fato, se trata o policiamento comunitário. Olhando como fenômeno, o policiamento comunitário se mostra híbrido, multifacetado e com várias contradições entre o que é idealizado e o que é efetivamente posto em prática, dificultando sua compreensão. Neste ensaio, propomos um esquema analítico metateórico pautado na ideia de que o policiamento comunitário é regido por quatro tipos puros de lógicas institucionais – militar, profissional, gerencial e comunitário –, em que a interseção entre tais lógicas ajuda a compreendê-lo. Com base nesse esquema, enquadramos as pesquisas sobre o tema em elementos societários e culturais, ambientais, organizacionais, práticos e identitários, buscando delinear uma agenda de pesquisa acerca do policiamento comunitário.

Buscamos, neste estudo, verificar criticamente quais os discursos de dominação ideológica, a partir da aplicação dos estágios da análise dialético-relacional (CHOULIARAKI; FAIRCLOUGH, 1999; FAIRCLOUGH, 2009), em metáforas multimodais (FORCEVILLE, 2009; SPERANDIO, 2014; 2015) que, atualmente, não são apenas uma questão de língua(gem), mas de pensamento e ação, ocorrendo, dessa forma, em outros modos além do verbal. Nesse sentido, pautamo-nos na compreensão de que as metáforas multimodais são operadas pela representação verbo-visual em charges sobre a flexibilização da posse de armas no Governo Bolsonaro, veiculadas e replicadas nas redes sociais em 2018 a 2019 e disponibilizadas em sites especializados e blogs jornalísticos: Humor Político, Tijolaço e A Charge Online. Com base nas categorias de interdiscursividade e hibridismo com enfoque nos estudos da ADC, analisamos as relações dialéticas entre semioses (inclusive a língua) e outros elementos das práticas sociais (FAIRCLOUGH, 2012), na materialidade discursiva das cinco charges coletadas. Os resultados da análise dos discursos de dominação ideológica incidentes nesse gênero híbrido, nos fez compreender as semioses inseridas em práticas sociais, atuando, sobretudo, nas representações reflexivas resultado das atividades dos atores sociais (BESSA; SATO, 2018). Evidenciamos, portanto, novas relações de poder, discursos e práticas que se naturalizaram e se alastraram durante e após as eleições de 2018, ajudando-nos na compreensão dos processos metafóricos incorporados na linguagem, no pensamento e na ação. ; In this study, we seek to critically check which discourses of ideological domination, in the application of the stages of dialectic-relational analysis (CHOULIARAKI; FAIRCLOUGH, 1999; FAIRCLOUGH, 2009), in multimodal metaphors (FORCEVILLE, 2009; SPERANDIO, 2014; 2015) are not just a matter of language, but of thought and action, thus occurring in ways other than verbal. In this sense, we are guided by the understanding that multimodal metaphors are operated by verbal-visual representation in cartoons about the flexibilization of possession of weapons in the Bolsonaro Government, transmitted and replicated in social networks in 2018 to 2019 and made available on specialized websites and Journalism blogs, including Humor Político, Tijolaço and A Charge Online. Based on the categories of interdiscursivity and hybridism with a focus on the studies of Critical Discourse Analysis, we analyzed the dialectical relationships between semiosis (including language) and other elements of social practices (FAIRCLOUGH, 2012), in the discursive materiality of the five cartoons collected. The results of the analysis of the discourses of ideological domination present in this hybrid genre allowed us to understand the semioses inserted in social practices, acting, above all, in the reflexive representations resulting from the activities of the social actors (BESSA, SATO, 2018). Thus, new relations of power, discourses and practices that became naturalized and spread during and after the elections of 2018, helped us to understand the metaphoric processes embodied in language, thought and action.